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Egla, 88

2024-08-22T12:58:05Z

Andri:

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 88==

'''Death of Egil Skallagrim's son'''

Egil Skallagrim's son now grew old,<ref>'''now grew old''': "Finally, I said that ''Færeyinga saga'' was distinguished by its symbolic characters who illustrates opposing attitudes, and by its ironic contrast between individual fate and historical trend. This historical vision is also present - in more sophisticated form - in ''Egils saga'': the dark and light aspects of the family represent contrasting beliefs and behavior. Those who support kings fare badly, while uncooperative and independent men live longest." [[Berman, Melissa. The Political Sagas]] (p. 126).</ref> and in his old age became heavy in movement, and dull both in hearing and sight;<ref>''' dull both in hearing and sight''': "Egil's deafness is consistent with new bone growth compressing the auditory nerve as it runs through a channel in the skull, from the brain to the ear. This symptom has been reported in endemic fluorosis" [[Weinstein, P. Palaeopathology by proxy: the case of Egil’s bones]] (p. 1078).</ref> he became also stiff in the legs.<ref>'''also stiff in the legs''': "Verið getur að Egill hafi þjáðst af aflagandi sjúkdómi er kallast Pagetssjúkdómur (Paget's disease). Þessi sjúkdómur, sem e.t.v. er arfgengur eða af völdum veiru, getur valdið blindu á fullorðinsárumn sem og ágengu heyrnar- og jafnvægistapi. Allir þessir annmarkar þjáðu Egil." [[Byock, Jesse L.. Hauskúpan og beinin í Egils sögu]] (p. 76).</ref> Egil was at Moss-fell with Grim and Thordis.<ref>'''Egil was at Moss-fell with Grim and Thordis''': "As late as 1730 in Iceland, no more than 12 percent of households were three-generational; hence the multigenerational household of the irascible octogenarian Egil Skallagrímsson must surely have been highly unusual in the settlement period." [[Overing, Gillian. A body in question]] (p. 216).</ref> It happened one day that as Egil went out along the house-wall he stumbled and fell. Some women saw this, and laughed, saying: 'You are now quite gone, Egil, if you fall when alone.' Then said the master Grim, 'Women jeered at us less when we were younger.' Egil then sang:

'Old haltered horse I waver, 
Bald-head I weakly fall: 
Hollow my failing<ref>'''Hollow my failing''': "Egill states the equation in pithy half-stanza lamenting the effects of age [...]. The line in question translates something like: „soft is the bore of the foot/leg of taste/pleasure“, the bore referring to tongue if one takes bergis fótar to mean „head“, but to penis if one takes the kenning to mean „leg of limb of pleasure. [...] One has in this five-word verse the full cord: when not only one’s sword and penis go limp but also one’s tongue, life is pretty much over." [[Clover, Carol J.. Regardless of sex]] (p. 16).</ref> leg-bones,<ref>'''failing leg-bones''': “Egill Skalla-Grímsson is literally impotent, but mentally perhaps less so than many others of his age, since at least he is able to compose a skaldic poem about the limpness of his penis.” [[Ármann Jakobsson. The Specter of Old Age]] (p. 316).</ref><ref>'''leg-bones''': ““Blautr erum bergis fótar / borr” says Egill. “Bergis fótar borr” is a kenning, a metaphorical poetic circumlocution, and like many skaldic kennings it has been interpreted in various ways. It might be translated literally as “borer/drill of the hill of the leg/foot.” The “hill of the leg” may then be interpreted to mean “head,” in which case its borer or drill is the tongue and Egill is confessing an inability to compose verse as fluently as in the past. Alternatively a more obscene meaning of “hill of the leg” entails that its borer or drill is Egill’s penis. Given the skaldic love of double entendre it is likely both meanings are intended.” [[Phelpstead, Carl. Size Matters]] (p. 425) </ref> 
The fount of hearing dry.' 

Egil became quite blind.<ref>'''became quite blind''': „Að sögn Freuds er algengt að geldingarhræðsla komi fram í ótta við að missa augun eða blindast, en til staðfestingar þeirri hugmynd hefði hann væntanlega getað bent á að í lok Egils sögu fer saman lýsing á því að Egill hafi orðið „með öllu sjónlaus“ í elli sinni“ og dróttkvæð vísa þar sem fram kemur að getnaðarlimur („bergis fótar borr“) hans sé orðinn gagnslítill“. [[Jón Karl Helgason. Rjóðum spjöll í dreyra]] (p. 65).</ref> And it was so that one day, when the weather was cold, Egil went to the fire to warm himself. Whereupon the cook said that it was a great wonder, so mighty a man as Egil had been, that he should lie in their way<ref>'''that he should lie in their way''': [The scene in Vitlausu Eglu:] "Það var einn tíma um vorið að allir karlmenn voru heiman farnir frá Mosfelli til erinda sinna, að hestur einn lá í bænum að Mosfelli um þverar dyr dauður, so ei var hægt að ganga hjá, en konum varð mjög að orðum um það þær kæmi honum ei í burt. Sem Egill þetta heyrði gekk hann á fætur, og var hann þá allsendis blindur, og leiddu konur þangað sem hesturinn lá dauður, og tók hann um afturfætur hestsins og rykkti honum í einu út á hlað svo út gegnu garnir.“ Whereas in the medieval A-version Egil is told off by the cook at Mosfell for being in her way in the kitchen, here it is a dead horse that gets in the women’s way and Egil himself who sees to their problem. ‘New Egil’s Saga’ contains none of the anecdotes about Egil’s old age that are found (varyingly) in other versions, and which the writer must have known from the rímur." [[Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir. Egil Strikes Again]] (p. 192).</ref> so that they could not do their work. 'Be you civil,' said Egil, 'though I bask by the fire, and let us bear and forbear about place.' 'Stand you up,' said she, 'and go to your seat, and let us do our work.' Egil stood up, and went to his place and sang:

'Blind near the blaze I wander, 
Beg of the fire-maid pardon, 
Crave for a seat. Such sorrow 
From sightless eyes I bear. 
Yet England's mighty monarch 
Me whilom greatly honoured:<ref>'''whilom greatly honoured''': "The splendid
bygone time in which Egil is absorbed in thought constitutes his true identity, while
being concealed by his present misery. The two parts of the stanza juxtapose – cruelly
but triumphantly – the tangible social personality (the weak old man who is ridiculed by
the women) and the interior one." [[Koch, Ludovica. Gli scaldi]] (p. xvii).</ref> 
And princes once with pleasure 
The poet's accents heard.'<ref> '''heard''': "The reference no doubt is to King Æthelstán (sic) of England, the only king Egil ever got along with... And Egil composed a ''drápa'' in the king's honor. So it is most unlikely that Egil ever after confused the two princes [Eric and Æthelstan]. Admittedly though, this leaves us with the seemingly contradictory attribute ''gramr'' 'grim, enraged', certainly best applied to Eric. However, a meaning 'stern' is possible, too... Little is known of Æthelstan's character. But that the ''basileus'' of England was redoubtable to his enemies, of that there cannot be any question." [[Hollander, Lee M. Egill Skallagrímsson]] (p. 105) </ref> 

Again, once when Egil went to the fire to warm himself, a man asked him whether his feet were cold, and warned him not to put them too near the fire. 'That shall be so,' said Egil; 'but 'tis not easy steering my feet now that I cannot see; a very dismal thing is blindness.' Then Egil sang:

'Lonely I lie, 
And think it long, 
Carle worn with eld 
From kings' courts exiled.<ref>''' From kings' courts exiled.''': " Samkvæmt þessu liggur Egill á brjóstinu, þ.e. meltunni, er hann kveðst liggja ,á konungs vörnum‘ en brjóstið er líka uppspretta skáldskapar hans því að fornu trúðu menn því að þar byggi vitið. Með þremur orðum eru þá í hinstu vísu Egils samtvinnaðir þeir þræðir sem frekast hafa einkennt alla sögu hans: baráttan við konungsvaldið og skáldskapurinn. " [[Bergljót Soffía Kristjánsdóttir, Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir. Um Egils sögu]] (p. xxii).</ref> 
Feet twain have I,<ref>''' From kings' courts exiled. Feet twain have I''': " þá sýnist eðlilegra að gera ráð fyrir að Egill vísi til líkamshluta í fyrri part vísunnar eins og hann gerir í þeim síðari. Því má ætla að á konungs vörnum þýði annaðhvort á maganum eða á brjóstinu." [[Sverrir Tómasson. Á konungs vörnum]] (p. 104).</ref> 
Frosty and cold,<ref>'''Feet twain have I / Frosty and cold,''': "Lýsingin kemur heim og saman við það að blóðstreymi er oft lítið til útlima sjúklinga með ''osteitis deformans'', svo þeir verða kaldir." [[Örnólfur Thorlacius. Hjálmaklettur Egils]] (p.137).</ref> 
Bedfellows needing 
Blaze of fire.' 

In the later days of Hacon the Great Egil Skallagrim's son was in his ninth decade of years, and save for his blindness was a hale and hearty man.<ref>'''save for his blindness was a hale and hearty man''': "Jón Björnsson suggests that the sagas tend to record the unusual, and hence the unusual elder … the advanced age of Egil Skallagrímsson … is recorded along with his other achievements, and Jesse Byock has recently suggested that the decrepitude and sexual incapacity recorded by the sagawriter may have been due to Paget’s disease as opposed to senility." [[Overing, Gillian. A body in question]] (p. 214).</ref> One summer, when men made ready to go to the Thing, Egil asked Grim that he might ride with him to the Thing. Grim was slow to grant this. And when Grim and Thordis talked together, Grim told her what Egil had asked. 'I would like you,' said he, 'to find out what lies under this request.' Thordis then went to talk with Egil her uncle: it was Egil's chief pleasure to talk to her. And when she met him she asked: 'Is it true, uncle, that you wish to ride to the Thing? I want you to tell me what plan you have in this?' 'I will tell you,' said he, 'what I have thought of. I mean to take with me to the Thing two chests that king Athelstan gave me, each of which is full of English silver. I mean to have these chests carried to the Hill of Laws just when it is most crowded. Then I mean to sow broadcast the silver,<ref>'''sow broadcast the silver''': "Aldrei er [Egill] annar eins Óðinsdýrkandi og þegar hannn [svo] ætlar síðast til Alþingis með silfrið frá Aðalsteini, sem hann hafði aldrei við sig skilið og haldið fastast fyrir föður sínum. ... Hann ætlar að gera fé sitt að rógmálmi skatna, etja mönnum saman að dæmi Óðins fá honum enn fylgd, þó að sjálfur mætti hann ekki vega." [[Sigurður Nordal. Átrúnaður Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (p. 164).</ref> and I shall be surprized if all share it fairly between them. Kicks, I fancy, there will be and blows; nay, it may end in a general fight<ref>'''end in a general fight''': "Suetonius segir frá því í keisarasögum sínum, meðal annarra firna af hátterni Caligula, að hann hafi valdið misklíð milli alþýðumana og riddara með því að gefa decimae (ókeypis veitingar) of snemma, svo að skríll legði undir sig riddarasætin." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Fólgið fé á Mosfelli]] (p. 102).</ref> of all the assembled Thing.' Thordis said: 'A famous plan, methinks, is this, and it will be remembered so long as Iceland is inhabited.'

After this Thordis went to speak with Grim and told him Egil's plan. 'That shall never be,' said he, 'that he carry this out, such monstrous folly.' And when Egil came to speak with Grim of their going to the Thing, Grim talked him out of it all; and Egil sat at home during the Thing. But he did not like it, and he wore a frowning look.

At Moss-fell were the summer-sheds of the milch kine, and during the Thing-time Thordis was at the sheds. It chanced one evening, when the household at Moss-fell were preparing to go to bed, that Egil called to him two thralls<ref>'''two thralls''': "Megi gera því skóna að dráp þrælanna tveggja undir ævilok Egils [...] sé í raun blótfórn, væri þar kominn merkur endir á lífshlaup Óðinsdýrkandans." [[Heimir Pálsson. Óðinn, Þór og Egill]] (p. 115).</ref> of Grim's. He bade them bring him a horse. 'I will go to the warm bath, and you shall go with me,' said he. And when Egil was ready, he went out, and he had with him his chests of silver.<ref>'''chests of silver''': „Das hohe Alter von Skallagrímr und sein Tod verweisen ebenfalls auf den mythischen Raum. Unmittelbar vor seinem Tod vollbringt er noch eine große Tat: Er geht während der Nacht weg, versteckt seine große Kiste und einen Bronzekessel (wahrscheinlich voll Gold) in einem Moor und legt einen großen flachen Stein darauf, was gewissermaßen eine Parallele zu der Schmiedestein-Affäre ist. Wenn Egill später sein Silber versteckt, wird diese Episode gespiegelt – und beide Aktionen erinnern an die Heldensage und den Nibelungenhort.“ [[Baldur Hafstað. Die Egils saga im Lichte von Mythen, Heldensage und Wikingersage]] (p. 104).</ref> He mounted the horse. They then went down through the home paddock and under the slope there, as men saw afterwards. But in the morning, when men rose, they saw Egil wandering about in the holt east of the farm,<ref>'''east of the farm''': „Svo var röm í [Agli] forneskjan, og má af því ráða að hann hafi trúað því að hann mundi nota silfursins dauður, ef hann græfi það í jörð. Tilgátan um, að hann hafi fólgið það í gilinu „fyrir austan garð at Mosfelli“ er því ekki ósennileg“ [[Árni Óla. Hvar fól Egill silfur Aðalsteins konungs]] (p. 183).</ref> and leading the horse after him. They went to him, and brought him home. But neither thralls nor chests<ref>'''nor chests''': "[Egil] buries the hoard in a secret location, effectively disinheriting his own children. [...] In place of the funerary poem he had failed to compose for her, Egil expresses his grief for Asgerd [...] in the idiom of belligerent widowerhood. With no second wife to bear him a child of his old age, who might ruinously complicate inheritance matters in the manner of Hildirid's sons or Gunnhild Bjarnardottir, Egil manoeuvres to become his own heir." [[Falk, Oren. *Konutorrek: A Husband’s Lament]] (p. 142).</ref> ever came back again, and many are the guesses as to where Egil hid his money.<ref>'''hid his money''': ““Hidden silver of gold is a well-known motif, Atlakviða being another example. But this version – hiding your silver with the help of slaves who are then killed – appears only in these two sources in Old Icelandic literature [Egils saga and the Landnámabók account of Ketilbjörn gamli]. This reinforces the view that there are direct connections between the two works.” [[Baldur Hafstað. Egils saga, Njáls saga, and the Shadow of Landnáma]] (p. 28).</ref>. East of the farm at Moss-fell is a gill coming down from the fell: and it is noteworthy that in rapid thaws there was a great rush of water there, but after the water has fallen there have been found in the gill English pennies.<ref>'''found in the gill English pennies''': „Egill var auðugur að fé. Eins og Ketilbjörn bjó hann á Mosfelli […] Í báðum textum er talað um skarð eða gil í fellinu ofan við bæinn […] En þetta mótíf - að fela silfur sitt með aðstöð þræla sem síðan eru drepnir - birtist aðeins á þessum tveimur stöðum í fornum bókmenntum okkar. Það styrkir þá skoðun að áhrifin séu bein þarna á milli […] Þannig má segja að frásögn Landnámu leggi fram mikilvægan efnivið að síðari hluta Egils sögu". [[Baldur Hafstað. HSk, Landnáma og Egils saga]] (p. 33-34).</ref> Some guess<ref>'''some guess''': "Tilvísanir til þess að sumir segi þetta og aðrir hitt er gömul brella, og ekki er meira mark takandi á því sem hann segir um silfurpeningafund en um haugaeld." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Fólgið fé á Mosfelli]] (p. 102).</ref> that Egil must have hidden his money there. Below the farm enclosure at Moss-fell are bogs wide and very deep. Many feel sure<ref>'''feel sure''': "Þessi frásögn sýnir, að fólki í Mosfellssveit hefur snemma orðið skrafdrjúgt um silfur Egils og jafnvel gert skipulegar tilraunir til að finna það." [[Kristján Eldjárn. Kistur Aðalsteins konungs]] (p. 100).</ref> that 'tis there Egil hid his money. And south of the river are hot springs, and hard by there large earthholes, and some men guess that Egil must have hidden his money there, because out that way cairn-fires were often seen to hover. Egil said that he had slain Grim's thralls, also that he had hidden the chests, but where he had hidden them he told no man.

In the autumn following Egil fell sick of the sickness whereof he died. When he was dead, then Grim had Egil dressed in goodly raiment,<ref>'''dressed in goodly raiment''': “After his death, Egill is buried by Grímr Svertingsson, … in a respectful manner: ‘in good clothes’ (‘í klæði góð’) together with his weapons and garments … Egill’s own strong mind is thus pacified by respectful burial practices that apply him with good clothes and weapons in the afterlife, as well as Christianity and Christian men.” [[Kanerva, Kirsi. Rituals for the Restless Dead]] (p. 221).</ref> and carried down to Tjalda-ness;<ref>'''carried down to Tjalda-ness''': "Engin vissa er fyrir því, hvar Tjaldanes hafi verið, þar sem Egill var heygðr. Örnefnið er nú ekki til lengur. En líklega hefir það verið í Mosfellslandi, og þá er helst ætlandi, að oddi sá, sem myndast milli ármótanna Köldukvíslar og Reykjaár, sem nú heitir Víðiroddi, hafi verið kallarður Tjaldanes, eins og fyr er á vikið." [[Magnús Grímsson. Athugasemdir við Egils sögu Skallagrímssonar]] (p. 271).</ref> there a sepulchral mound was made, and in it was Egil laid with his weapons and his raiment.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 88==

'''Andlát Egils Skalla-Grímssonar'''

Egill Skalla-Grímsson varð maður gamall<ref>'''varð maður gamall''': "Finally, I said that ''Færeyinga saga'' was distinguished by its symbolic characters who illustrates opposing attitudes, and by its ironic contrast between individual fate and historical trend. This historical vision is also present - in more sophisticated form - in ''Egils saga'': the dark and light aspects of the family represent contrasting beliefs and behavior. Those who support kings fare badly, while uncooperative and independent men live longest." [[Berman, Melissa. The Political Sagas]] (s. 126).</ref> en í elli hans gerðist hann þungfær og glapnaði honum bæði heyrn og sýn.<ref>''' glapnaði honum bæði heyrn og sýn''': "Egil's deafness is consistent with new bone growth compressing the auditory nerve as it runs through a channel in the skull, from the brain to the ear. This symptom has been reported in endemic fluorosis" [[Weinstein, P. Palaeopathology by proxy: the case of Egil’s bones]] (s. 1078).</ref> Hann gerðist og fótstirður.<ref>'''gerðist og fótstirður''': "Verið getur að Egill hafi þjáðst af aflagandi sjúkdómi er kallast Pagetssjúkdómur (Paget's disease). Þessi sjúkdómur, sem e.t.v. er arfgengur eða af völdum veiru, getur valdið blindu á fullorðinsárumn sem og ágengu heyrnar- og jafnvægistapi. Allir þessir annmarkar þjáðu Egil." [[Byock, Jesse L.. Hauskúpan og beinin í Egils sögu]] (s. 76).</ref> Egill var þá að Mosfelli með Grími og Þórdísi.<ref>'''Egill var þá að Mosfelli með Grími og Þórdísi''': "As late as 1730 in Iceland, no more than 12 percent of households were three-generational; hence the multigenerational household of the irascible octogenarian Egil Skallagrímsson must surely have been highly unusual in the settlement period." [[Overing, Gillian. A body in question]] (s. 216).</ref>

Það var einn dag er Egill gekk úti með vegg og drap fæti og féll. Konur nokkurar sáu það og hlógu að og mæltu: „Farinn ertu nú Egill með öllu er þú fellur einn saman.“

Þá segir Grímur bóndi: „Miður hæddu konur að okkur þá er við vorum yngri.“

Þá kvað Egill:

Vals hefi eg váfur helsis, 
váfallr er eg skalla. 
Blautr erumst<ref>'''Blautr erumst''': "Egill states the equation in pithy half-stanza lamenting the effects of age [...]. The line in question translates something like: „soft is the bore of the foot/leg of taste/pleasure“, the bore referring to tongue if one takes bergis fótar to mean „head“, but to penis if one takes the kenning to mean „leg of limb of pleasure. [...] One has in this five-word verse the full cord: when not only one’s sword and penis go limp but also one’s tongue, life is pretty much over." [[Clover, Carol J.. Regardless of sex]] (s. 16).</ref> bergi fótar<ref>'''bergi fótar''': “Egill Skalla-Grímsson is literally impotent, but mentally perhaps less so than many others of his age, since at least he is able to compose a skaldic poem about the limpness of his penis.” [[Ármann Jakobsson. The Specter of Old Age]] (s. 316).</ref> 
borr<ref> '''borr''': ““Blautr erum bergis fótar / borr” says Egill. “Bergis fótar borr” is a kenning, a metaphorical poetic circumlocution, and like many skaldic kennings it has been interpreted in various ways. It might be translated literally as “borer/drill of the hill of the leg/foot.” The “hill of the leg” may then be interpreted to mean “head,” in which case its borer or drill is the tongue and Egill is confessing an inability to compose verse as fluently as in the past. Alternatively a more obscene meaning of “hill of the leg” entails that its borer or drill is Egill’s penis. Given the skaldic love of double entendre it is likely both meanings are intended.” [[Phelpstead, Carl. Size Matters]] (s. 425) </ref> en hlust er þorrin. 

Egill varð með öllu sjónlaus.<ref>'''varð með öllu sjónlaus''': „Að sögn Freuds er algengt að geldingarhræðsla komi fram í ótta við að missa augun eða blindast, en til staðfestingar þeirri hugmynd hefði hann væntanlega getað bent á að í lok Egils sögu fer saman lýsing á því að Egill hafi orðið „með öllu sjónlaus“ í elli sinni“ og dróttkvæð vísa þar sem fram kemur að getnaðarlimur („bergis fótar borr“) hans sé orðinn gagnslítill“. [[Jón Karl Helgason. Rjóðum spjöll í dreyra]] (s. 65).</ref> Það var einhvern dag er veður var kalt um veturinn að Egill fór til elds að verma sig. Matseljan ræddi um að það var undur mikið, slíkur maður sem Egill hafði verið, að hann skyldi liggja fyrir fótum þeim<ref>'''að hann skyldi liggja fyrir fótum þeim''': [The scene in Vitlausu Eglu:] "Það var einn tíma um vorið að allir karlmenn voru heiman farnir frá Mosfelli til erinda sinna, að hestur einn lá í bænum að Mosfelli um þverar dyr dauður, so ei var hægt að ganga hjá, en konum varð mjög að orðum um það þær kæmi honum ei í burt. Sem Egill þetta heyrði gekk hann á fætur, og var hann þá allsendis blindur, og leiddu konur þangað sem hesturinn lá dauður, og tók hann um afturfætur hestsins og rykkti honum í einu út á hlað svo út gegnu garnir.“ Whereas in the medieval A-version Egil is told off by the cook at Mosfell for being in her way in the kitchen, here it is a dead horse that gets in the women’s way and Egil himself who sees to their problem. ‘New Egil’s Saga’ contains none of the anecdotes about Egil’s old age that are found (varyingly) in other versions, and which the writer must have known from the rímur." [[Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir. Egil Strikes Again]] (p. 192).</ref> svo að þær mættu eigi vinna verk sín.

„Ver þú vel við,“ segir Egill, „þótt eg bakist við eldinn og mýkjumst vér við um rúmin.“

„Stattu upp,“ segir hún, „og gakk til rúms þíns og lát oss vinna verk vor.“

Egill stóð upp og gekk til rúms síns og kvað:

Hvarfa eg blindr of branda, 
bið eg eirar Syn geira, 
þann ber eg harm á hvarma 
hvitvöllum mér, sitja. 
Er jarðgöfugr, orðum, 
orð mín konungr forðum<ref>'''orð mín konungr forðum''': "The splendid
bygone time in which Egil is absorbed in thought constitutes his true identity, while
being concealed by his present misery. The two parts of the stanza juxtapose – cruelly
but triumphantly – the tangible social personality (the weak old man who is ridiculed by
the women) and the interior one." [[Koch, Ludovica. Gli scaldi]] (s. xvii).</ref> 
hafði, gramr, að gamni, 
Geirhamdis mig framdi.<ref> '''framdi''': "The reference no doubt is to King Æthelstán (sic) of England, the only king Egil ever got along with... And Egil composed a ''drápa'' in the king's honor. So it is most unlikely that Egil ever after confused the two princes [Eric and Æthelstan]. Admittedly though, this leaves us with the seemingly contradictory attribute ''gramr'' 'grim, enraged', certainly best applied to Eric. However, a meaning 'stern' is possible, too... Little is known of Æthelstan's character. But that the ''basileus'' of England was redoubtable to his enemies, of that there cannot be any question." [[Hollander, Lee M. Egill Skallagrímsson]] (p. 105) </ref> 

Það var enn eitt sinn er Egill gekk til elds að verma sig, þá spurði maður hann hvort honum væri kalt á fótum og bað hann eigi rétta of nær eldinum.

„Svo skal vera,“ segir Egill, „en eigi verður mér nú hógstýrt fótunum er eg sé eigi og er of dauflegt sjónleysið.“

Þá kvað Egill:

Langt þykir mér, 
ligg eg einn saman, 
karl afgamall, 
á konungs vörnum.<ref>''' á konungs vörnum.''': " Samkvæmt þessu liggur Egill á brjóstinu, þ.e. meltunni, er hann kveðst liggja ,á konungs vörnum‘ en brjóstið er líka uppspretta skáldskapar hans því að fornu trúðu menn því að þar byggi vitið. Með þremur orðum eru þá í hinstu vísu Egils samtvinnaðir þeir þræðir sem frekast hafa einkennt alla sögu hans: baráttan við konungsvaldið og skáldskapurinn. " [[Bergljót Soffía Kristjánsdóttir, Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir. Um Egils sögu]] (s. xxii).</ref> 
Eigum ekkjur<ref>''' á konungs vörnum. Eigum ekkjur''': " þá sýnist eðlilegra að gera ráð fyrir að Egill vísi til líkamshluta í fyrri part vísunnar eins og hann gerir í þeim síðari. Því má ætla að á konungs vörnum þýði annaðhvort á maganum eða á brjóstinu." [[Sverrir Tómasson. Á konungs vörnum]] (s. 104).</ref> 
alkaldar tvær<ref>'''Eigum ekkjur / alkaldar tvær''': "Lýsingin kemur heim og saman við það að blóðstreymi er oft lítið til útlima sjúklinga með ''osteitis deformans'', svo þeir verða kaldir." [[Örnólfur Thorlacius. Hjálmaklettur Egils]] (s.137).</ref> 
en þær konur 
þurfa blossa. 

Það var á dögum Hákonar hins ríka öndverðum, þá var Egill Skalla-Grímsson á níunda tigi og var hann þá hress maður fyrir annars sakir en sjónleysis.<ref>'''hress maður fyrir annars sakir en sjónleysis''': "Jón Björnsson suggests that the sagas tend to record the unusual, and hence the unusual elder … the advanced age of Egil Skallagrímsson … is recorded along with his other achievements, and Jesse Byock has recently suggested that the decrepitude and sexual incapacity recorded by the sagawriter may have been due to Paget’s disease as opposed to senility." [[Overing, Gillian. A body in question]] (s. 214).</ref>

Það var um sumarið er menn bjuggust til þings þá beiddi Egill Grím að ríða til þings með honum. Grímur tók því seinlega.

Og er þau Grímur og Þórdís töluðust við þá sagði Grímur henni hvers Egill hafði beitt „vil eg að þú forvitnist hvað undir mun búa bæn þessi.“

Þórdís gekk til máls við Egil frænda sinn. Var þá mest gaman Egils að ræða við hana. Og er hún hitti hann þá spurði hún: „Er það satt frændi er þú vilt til þings ríða? Vildi eg að þú segðir mér hvað væri í ráðagerð þinni.“

„Eg skal segja þér,“ kvað hann, „hvað eg hefi hugsað. Eg ætla að hafa til þings með mér kistur þær tvær er Aðalsteinn konungur gaf mér er hvortveggi er full af ensku silfri. Ætla eg að láta bera kisturnar til Lögbergs þá er þar er fjölmennast. Síðan ætla eg að sá silfrinu<ref>'''ætla eg að sá silfrinu''': "Aldrei er [Egill] annar eins Óðinsdýrkandi og þegar hannn [svo] ætlar síðast til Alþingis með silfrið frá Aðalsteini, sem hann hafði aldrei við sig skilið og haldið fastast fyrir föður sínum. ... Hann ætlar að gera fé sitt að rógmálmi skatna, etja mönnum saman að dæmi Óðins fá honum enn fylgd, þó að sjálfur mætti hann ekki vega." [[Sigurður Nordal. Átrúnaður Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (s. 164).</ref> og þykir mér undarlegt ef allir skipta vel sín í milli. Ætla eg að þar mundi vera þá hrundningar eða pústrar eða bærist að um síðir að allur þingheimurinn berðist.“<ref>'''þingheimurinn berðist''': "Suetonius segir frá því í keisarasögum sínum, meðal annarra firna af hátterni Caligula, að hann hafi valdið misklíð milli alþýðumana og riddara með því að gefa decimae (ókeypis veitingar) of snemma, svo að skríll legði undir sig riddarasætin." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Fólgið fé á Mosfelli]] (s. 102).</ref>

Þórdís segir: „Þetta þykir mér þjóðráð og mun uppi meðan landið er byggt.“

Síðan gekk Þórdís til tals við Grím og sagði honum ráðagerð Egils.

„Það skal aldrei verða að hann komi þessu fram, svo miklum firnum.“

Og er Egill kom á ræður við Grím um þingferðina þá taldi Grímur það allt af og sat Egill heima um þingið. Eigi líkaði honum það vel. Var hann heldur ófrýnn.

Að Mosfelli var höfð selför og var Þórdís í seli um þingið.

Það var eitt kveld þá er menn bjuggust til rekkna að Mosfelli að Egill kallaði til sín þræla tvo<ref>'''þræla tvo''': "Megi gera því skóna að dráp þrælanna tveggja undir ævilok Egils [...] sé í raun blótfórn, væri þar kominn merkur endir á lífshlaup Óðinsdýrkandans." [[Heimir Pálsson. Óðinn, Þór og Egill]] (s. 115).</ref> er Grímur átti. Hann bað þá taka sér hest „vil eg fara til laugar.“

Og er Egill var búinn gekk hann út og hafði með sér silfurkistur sínar.<ref>'''silfurkistur sínar''': „Das hohe Alter von Skallagrímr und sein Tod verweisen ebenfalls auf den mythischen Raum. Unmittelbar vor seinem Tod vollbringt er noch eine große Tat: Er geht während der Nacht weg, versteckt seine große Kiste und einen Bronzekessel (wahrscheinlich voll Gold) in einem Moor und legt einen großen flachen Stein darauf, was gewissermaßen eine Parallele zu der Schmiedestein-Affäre ist. Wenn Egill später sein Silber versteckt, wird diese Episode gespiegelt – und beide Aktionen erinnern an die Heldensage und den Nibelungenhort.“ [[Baldur Hafstað. Die Egils saga im Lichte von Mythen, Heldensage und Wikingersage]] (s. 104).</ref> Hann steig á hest, fór síðan ofan eftir túninu fyrir brekku þá er þar verður er menn sáu síðast.

En um morguninn er menn risu upp þá sáu þeir að Egill hvarflaði á holtinu fyrir austan garð<ref>'''fyrir austan garð''': "Svo var röm í [Agli] forneskjan, og má af því ráða að hann hafi trúað því að hann mundi nota silfursins dauður, ef hann græfi það í jörð. Tilgátan um, að hann hafi fólgið það í gilinu "fyrir austan garð at Mosfelli" er því ekki ósennileg" [[Árni Óla. Hvar fól Egill silfur Aðalsteins konungs]] (s. 183).</ref> og leiddi eftir sér hestinn. Fara þeir þá til hans og fluttu hann heim.

En hvorki komu aftur síðan þrælarnir né kisturnar<ref>'''né kisturnar''': "[Egil] buries the hoard in a secret location, effectively disinheriting his own children. [...] In place of the funerary poem he had failed to compose for her, Egil expresses his grief for Asgerd [...] in the idiom of belligerent widowerhood. With no second wife to bear him a child of his old age, who might ruinously complicate inheritance matters in the manner of Hildirid's sons or Gunnhild Bjarnardottir, Egil manoeuvres to become his own heir." [[Falk, Oren. *Konutorrek: A Husband’s Lament]] (s. 142).</ref> og eru þar margar gátur á hvar Egill hafi fólgið fé sitt.<ref>'''fólgið fé sitt''': ““Hidden silver of gold is a well-known motif, Atlakviða being another example. But this version – hiding your silver with the help of slaves who are then killed – appears only in these two sources in Old Icelandic literature [Egils saga and the Landnámabók account of Ketilbjörn gamli]. This reinforces the view that there are direct connections between the two works.” [[Baldur Hafstað. Egils saga, Njáls saga, and the Shadow of Landnáma]] (s. 28).</ref> Fyrir austan garð að Mosfelli gengur gil ofan úr fjalli. En það hefir orðið þar til merkja að í bráðaþeyjum er þar vatnfall mikið en eftir það er vötnin hafa fram fallið hafa fundist í gilinu enskir peningar.<ref>'''fundist í gilinu enskir peningar''': „Egill var auðugur að fé. Eins og Ketilbjörn bjó hann á Mosfelli […] Í báðum textum er talað um skarð eða gil í fellinu ofan við bæinn […] En þetta mótíf - að fela silfur sitt með aðstöð þræla sem síðan eru drepnir - birtist aðeins á þessum tveimur stöðum í fornum bókmenntum okkar. Það styrkir þá skoðun að áhrifin séu bein þarna á milli […] Þannig má segja að frásögn Landnámu leggi fram mikilvægan efnivið að síðari hluta Egils sögu". [[Baldur Hafstað. HSk, Landnáma og Egils saga]] (s. 33-34).</ref> Geta sumir menn þess<ref>'''geta sumir menn þess''': "Tilvísanir til þess að sumir segi þetta og aðrir hitt er gömul brella, og ekki er meira mark takandi á því sem hann segir um silfurpeningafund en um haugaeld." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Fólgið fé á Mosfelli]] (s. 102).</ref> að Egill muni þar féið hafa fólgið. Fyrir neðan tún að Mosfelli eru fen stór og furðulega djúp. Hafa það margir fyrir satt<ref>'''margir fyrir satt''': "Þessi frásögn sýnir, að fólki í Mosfellssveit hefur snemma orðið skrafdrjúgt um silfur Egils og jafnvel gert skipulegar tilraunir til að finna það." [[Kristján Eldjárn. Kistur Aðalsteins konungs]] (s. 100).</ref> að Egill muni þar hafa kastað í fé sínu. Fyrir sunnan ána eru laugar og þar skammt frá jarðholur stórar og geta þess sumir að Egill mundi þar hafa fólgið fé sitt því að þangað er oftlega sénn haugaeldur. Egill sagði að hann hefði drepið þræla Gríms og svo það að hann hafði fé sitt fólgið, en það sagði hann engum manni hvar hann hefði fólgið.

Egill tók sótt eftir um haustið þá er hann leiddi til bana. En er hann var andaður þá lét Grímur færa Egil í klæði góð.<ref>'''færa Egil í klæði góð''': “After his death, Egill is buried by Grímr Svertingsson, … in a respectful manner: ‘in good clothes’ (‘í klæði góð’) together with his weapons and garments … Egill’s own strong mind is thus pacified by respectful burial practices that apply him with good clothes and weapons in the afterlife, as well as Christianity and Christian men.” [[Kanerva, Kirsi. Rituals for the Restless Dead]] (s. 221).</ref> Síðan lét hann flytja hann ofan í Tjaldanes<ref>'''flytja hann ofan í Tjaldanes''': "Engin vissa er fyrir því, hvar Tjaldanes hafi verið, þar sem Egill var heygðr. Örnefnið er nú ekki til lengur. En líklega hefir það verið í Mosfellslandi, og þá er helst ætlandi, að oddi sá, sem myndast milli ármótanna Köldukvíslar og Reykjaár, sem nú heitir Víðiroddi, hafi verið kallarður Tjaldanes, eins og fyr er á vikið." [[Magnús Grímsson. Athugasemdir við Egils sögu Skallagrímssonar]] (s. 271).</ref> og gera þar haug og var Egill þar í lagður og vopn hans og klæði.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
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Egla, 88

2024-08-22T12:57:10Z

Andri:

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 88==

'''Death of Egil Skallagrim's son'''

Egil Skallagrim's son now grew old,<ref>'''now grew old''': "Finally, I said that ''Færeyinga saga'' was distinguished by its symbolic characters who illustrates opposing attitudes, and by its ironic contrast between individual fate and historical trend. This historical vision is also present - in more sophisticated form - in ''Egils saga'': the dark and light aspects of the family represent contrasting beliefs and behavior. Those who support kings fare badly, while uncooperative and independent men live longest." [[Berman, Melissa. The Political Sagas]] (p. 126).</ref> and in his old age became heavy in movement, and dull both in hearing and sight;<ref>''' dull both in hearing and sight''': "Egil's deafness is consistent with new bone growth compressing the auditory nerve as it runs through a channel in the skull, from the brain to the ear. This symptom has been reported in endemic fluorosis" [[Weinstein, P. Palaeopathology by proxy: the case of Egil’s bones]] (p. 1078).</ref> he became also stiff in the legs.<ref>'''also stiff in the legs''': "Verið getur að Egill hafi þjáðst af aflagandi sjúkdómi er kallast Pagetssjúkdómur (Paget's disease). Þessi sjúkdómur, sem e.t.v. er arfgengur eða af völdum veiru, getur valdið blindu á fullorðinsárumn sem og ágengu heyrnar- og jafnvægistapi. Allir þessir annmarkar þjáðu Egil." [[Byock, Jesse L.. Hauskúpan og beinin í Egils sögu]] (p. 76).</ref> Egil was at Moss-fell with Grim and Thordis.<ref>'''Egil was at Moss-fell with Grim and Thordis''': "As late as 1730 in Iceland, no more than 12 percent of households were three-generational; hence the multigenerational household of the irascible octogenarian Egil Skallagrímsson must surely have been highly unusual in the settlement period." [[Overing, Gillian. A body in question]] (p. 216).</ref> It happened one day that as Egil went out along the house-wall he stumbled and fell. Some women saw this, and laughed, saying: 'You are now quite gone, Egil, if you fall when alone.' Then said the master Grim, 'Women jeered at us less when we were younger.' Egil then sang:

'Old haltered horse I waver, 
Bald-head I weakly fall: 
Hollow my failing<ref>'''Hollow my failing''': "Egill states the equation in pithy half-stanza lamenting the effects of age [...]. The line in question translates something like: „soft is the bore of the foot/leg of taste/pleasure“, the bore referring to tongue if one takes bergis fótar to mean „head“, but to penis if one takes the kenning to mean „leg of limb of pleasure. [...] One has in this five-word verse the full cord: when not only one’s sword and penis go limp but also one’s tongue, life is pretty much over." [[Clover, Carol J.. Regardless of sex]] (p. 16).</ref> leg-bones,<ref>'''failing leg-bones''': “Egill Skalla-Grímsson is literally impotent, but mentally perhaps less so than many others of his age, since at least he is able to compose a skaldic poem about the limpness of his penis.” [[Ármann Jakobsson. The Specter of Old Age]] (p. 316).</ref><ref>'''leg-bones''': ““Blautr erum bergis fótar / borr” says Egill. “Bergis fótar borr” is a kenning, a metaphorical poetic circumlocution, and like many skaldic kennings it has been interpreted in various ways. It might be translated literally as “borer/drill of the hill of the leg/foot.” The “hill of the leg” may then be interpreted to mean “head,” in which case its borer or drill is the tongue and Egill is confessing an inability to compose verse as fluently as in the past. Alternatively a more obscene meaning of “hill of the leg” entails that its borer or drill is Egill’s penis. Given the skaldic love of double entendre it is likely both meanings are intended.” [[Phelpstead, Carl. Size Matters]] (p. 425) </ref> 
The fount of hearing dry.' 

Egil became quite blind.<ref>'''became quite blind''': „Að sögn Freuds er algengt að geldingarhræðsla komi fram í ótta við að missa augun eða blindast, en til staðfestingar þeirri hugmynd hefði hann væntanlega getað bent á að í lok Egils sögu fer saman lýsing á því að Egill hafi orðið „með öllu sjónlaus“ í elli sinni“ og dróttkvæð vísa þar sem fram kemur að getnaðarlimur („bergis fótar borr“) hans sé orðinn gagnslítill“. [[Jón Karl Helgason. Rjóðum spjöll í dreyra]] (p. 65).</ref> And it was so that one day, when the weather was cold, Egil went to the fire to warm himself. Whereupon the cook said that it was a great wonder, so mighty a man as Egil had been, that he should lie in their way<ref>'''that he should lie in their way''': [The scene in Vitlausu Eglu:] "Það var einn tíma um vorið að allir karlmenn voru heiman farnir frá Mosfelli til erinda sinna, að hestur einn lá í bænum að Mosfelli um þverar dyr dauður, so ei var hægt að ganga hjá, en konum varð mjög að orðum um það þær kæmi honum ei í burt. Sem Egill þetta heyrði gekk hann á fætur, og var hann þá allsendis blindur, og leiddu konur þangað sem hesturinn lá dauður, og tók hann um afturfætur hestsins og rykkti honum í einu út á hlað svo út gegnu garnir.“ Whereas in the medieval A-version Egil is told off by the cook at Mosfell for being in her way in the kitchen, here it is a dead horse that gets in the women’s way and Egil himself who sees to their problem. ‘New Egil’s Saga’ contains none of the anecdotes about Egil’s old age that are found (varyingly) in other versions, and which the writer must have known from the rímur." [[Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir. Egil Strikes Again]] (p. 192).</ref> so that they could not do their work. 'Be you civil,' said Egil, 'though I bask by the fire, and let us bear and forbear about place.' 'Stand you up,' said she, 'and go to your seat, and let us do our work.' Egil stood up, and went to his place and sang:

'Blind near the blaze I wander, 
Beg of the fire-maid pardon, 
Crave for a seat. Such sorrow 
From sightless eyes I bear. 
Yet England's mighty monarch 
Me whilom greatly honoured:<ref>'''whilom greatly honoured''': "The splendid
bygone time in which Egil is absorbed in thought constitutes his true identity, while
being concealed by his present misery. The two parts of the stanza juxtapose – cruelly
but triumphantly – the tangible social personality (the weak old man who is ridiculed by
the women) and the interior one." [[Koch, Ludovica. Gli scaldi]] (p. xvii).</ref> 
And princes once with pleasure 
The poet's accents heard.'<ref> '''heard''': "The reference no doubt is to King Æthelstán (sic) of England, the only king Egil ever got along with... And Egil composed a ''drápa'' in the king's honor. So it is most unlikely that Egil ever after confused the two princes [Eric and Æthelstan]. Admittedly though, this leaves us with the seemingly contradictory attribute ''gramr'' 'grim, enraged', certainly best applied to Eric. However, a meaning 'stern' is possible, too... Little is known of Æthelstan's character. But that the ''basileus'' of England was redoubtable to his enemies, of that there cannot be any question." [[Hollander, Lee M. Egill Skallagrímsson]] (p. 105) </ref> 

Again, once when Egil went to the fire to warm himself, a man asked him whether his feet were cold, and warned him not to put them too near the fire. 'That shall be so,' said Egil; 'but 'tis not easy steering my feet now that I cannot see; a very dismal thing is blindness.' Then Egil sang:

'Lonely I lie, 
And think it long, 
Carle worn with eld 
From kings' courts exiled.<ref>''' From kings' courts exiled.''': " Samkvæmt þessu liggur Egill á brjóstinu, þ.e. meltunni, er hann kveðst liggja ,á konungs vörnum‘ en brjóstið er líka uppspretta skáldskapar hans því að fornu trúðu menn því að þar byggi vitið. Með þremur orðum eru þá í hinstu vísu Egils samtvinnaðir þeir þræðir sem frekast hafa einkennt alla sögu hans: baráttan við konungsvaldið og skáldskapurinn. " [[Bergljót Soffía Kristjánsdóttir, Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir. Um Egils sögu]] (p. xxii).</ref> 
Feet twain have I,<ref>''' From kings' courts exiled. Feet twain have I''': " þá sýnist eðlilegra að gera ráð fyrir að Egill vísi til líkamshluta í fyrri part vísunnar eins og hann gerir í þeim síðari. Því má ætla að á konungs vörnum þýði annaðhvort á maganum eða á brjóstinu." [[Sverrir Tómasson. Á konungs vörnum]] (p. 104).</ref> 
Frosty and cold,<ref>'''Feet twain have I / Frosty and cold,''': "Lýsingin kemur heim og saman við það að blóðstreymi er oft lítið til útlima sjúklinga með ''osteitis deformans'', svo þeir verða kaldir." [[Örnólfur Thorlacius. Hjálmaklettur Egils]] (p.137).</ref> 
Bedfellows needing 
Blaze of fire.' 

In the later days of Hacon the Great Egil Skallagrim's son was in his ninth decade of years, and save for his blindness was a hale and hearty man.<ref>'''save for his blindness was a hale and hearty man''': "Jón Björnsson suggests that the sagas tend to record the unusual, and hence the unusual elder … the advanced age of Egil Skallagrímsson … is recorded along with his other achievements, and Jesse Byock has recently suggested that the decrepitude and sexual incapacity recorded by the sagawriter may have been due to Paget’s disease as opposed to senility." [[Overing, Gillian. A body in question]] (p. 214).</ref> One summer, when men made ready to go to the Thing, Egil asked Grim that he might ride with him to the Thing. Grim was slow to grant this. And when Grim and Thordis talked together, Grim told her what Egil had asked. 'I would like you,' said he, 'to find out what lies under this request.' Thordis then went to talk with Egil her uncle: it was Egil's chief pleasure to talk to her. And when she met him she asked: 'Is it true, uncle, that you wish to ride to the Thing? I want you to tell me what plan you have in this?' 'I will tell you,' said he, 'what I have thought of. I mean to take with me to the Thing two chests that king Athelstan gave me, each of which is full of English silver. I mean to have these chests carried to the Hill of Laws just when it is most crowded. Then I mean to sow broadcast the silver,<ref>'''sow broadcast the silver''': "Aldrei er [Egill] annar eins Óðinsdýrkandi og þegar hannn [svo] ætlar síðast til Alþingis með silfrið frá Aðalsteini, sem hann hafði aldrei við sig skilið og haldið fastast fyrir föður sínum. ... Hann ætlar að gera fé sitt að rógmálmi skatna, etja mönnum saman að dæmi Óðins fá honum enn fylgd, þó að sjálfur mætti hann ekki vega." [[Sigurður Nordal. Átrúnaður Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (p. 164).</ref> and I shall be surprized if all share it fairly between them. Kicks, I fancy, there will be and blows; nay, it may end in a general fight<ref>'''end in a general fight''': "Suetonius segir frá því í keisarasögum sínum, meðal annarra firna af hátterni Caligula, að hann hafi valdið misklíð milli alþýðumana og riddara með því að gefa decimae (ókeypis veitingar) of snemma, svo að skríll legði undir sig riddarasætin." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Fólgið fé á Mosfelli]] (p. 102).</ref> of all the assembled Thing.' Thordis said: 'A famous plan, methinks, is this, and it will be remembered so long as Iceland is inhabited.'

After this Thordis went to speak with Grim and told him Egil's plan. 'That shall never be,' said he, 'that he carry this out, such monstrous folly.' And when Egil came to speak with Grim of their going to the Thing, Grim talked him out of it all; and Egil sat at home during the Thing. But he did not like it, and he wore a frowning look.

At Moss-fell were the summer-sheds of the milch kine, and during the Thing-time Thordis was at the sheds. It chanced one evening, when the household at Moss-fell were preparing to go to bed, that Egil called to him two thralls<ref>'''two thralls''': "Megi gera því skóna að dráp þrælanna tveggja undir ævilok Egils [...] sé í raun blótfórn, væri þar kominn merkur endir á lífshlaup Óðinsdýrkandans." [[Heimir Pálsson. Óðinn, Þór og Egill]] (p. 115).</ref> of Grim's. He bade them bring him a horse. 'I will go to the warm bath, and you shall go with me,' said he. And when Egil was ready, he went out, and he had with him his chests of silver.<ref>'''chests of silver''': „Das hohe Alter von Skallagrímr und sein Tod verweisen ebenfalls auf den mythischen Raum. Unmittelbar vor seinem Tod vollbringt er noch eine große Tat: Er geht während der Nacht weg, versteckt seine große Kiste und einen Bronzekessel (wahrscheinlich voll Gold) in einem Moor und legt einen großen flachen Stein darauf, was gewissermaßen eine Parallele zu der Schmiedestein-Affäre ist. Wenn Egill später sein Silber versteckt, wird diese Episode gespiegelt – und beide Aktionen erinnern an die Heldensage und den Nibelungenhort.“ [[Baldur Hafstað. Die Egils saga im Lichte von Mythen, Heldensage und Wikingersage]] (p. 104).</ref> He mounted the horse. They then went down through the home paddock and under the slope there, as men saw afterwards. But in the morning, when men rose, they saw Egil wandering about in the holt east of the farm,<ref>'''east of the farm''': „Svo var röm í [Agli] forneskjan, og má af því ráða að hann hafi trúað því að hann mundi nota silfursins dauður, ef hann græfi það í jörð. Tilgátan um, að hann hafi fólgið það í gilinu „fyrir austan garð at Mosfelli“ er því ekki ósennileg“ [[Árni Óla. Hvar fól Egill silfur Aðalsteins konungs]] (p. 183).</ref> and leading the horse after him. They went to him, and brought him home. But neither thralls nor chests<ref>'''nor chests''': "[Egil] buries the hoard in a secret location, effectively disinheriting his own children. [...] In place of the funerary poem he had failed to compose for her, Egil expresses his grief for Asgerd [...] in the idiom of belligerent widowerhood. With no second wife to bear him a child of his old age, who might ruinously complicate inheritance matters in the manner of Hildirid's sons or Gunnhild Bjarnardottir, Egil manoeuvres to become his own heir." [[Falk, Oren. *Konutorrek: A Husband’s Lament]] (p. 142).</ref> ever came back again, and many are the guesses as to where Egil hid his money.<ref>'''hid his money''': ““Hidden silver of gold is a well-known motif, Atlakviða being another example. But this version – hiding your silver with the help of slaves who are then killed – appears only in these two sources in Old Icelandic literature [Egils saga and the Landnámabók account of Ketilbjörn gamli]. This reinforces the view that there are direct connections between the two works.” [[Baldur Hafstað. Egils saga, Njáls saga, and the Shadow of Landnáma]] (p. 28).</ref>. East of the farm at Moss-fell is a gill coming down from the fell: and it is noteworthy that in rapid thaws there was a great rush of water there, but after the water has fallen there have been found in the gill English pennies.<ref>'''found in the gill English pennies''': „Egill var auðugur að fé. Eins og Ketilbjörn bjó hann á Mosfelli […] Í báðum textum er talað um skarð eða gil í fellinu ofan við bæinn […] En þetta mótíf - að fela silfur sitt með aðstöð þræla sem síðan eru drepnir - birtist aðeins á þessum tveimur stöðum í fornum bókmenntum okkar. Það styrkir þá skoðun að áhrifin séu bein þarna á milli […] Þannig má segja að frásögn Landnámu leggi fram mikilvægan efnivið að síðari hluta Egils sögu". [[Baldur Hafstað. HSk, Landnáma og Egils saga]] (p. 33-34).</ref> Some guess<ref>'''some guess''': "Tilvísanir til þess að sumir segi þetta og aðrir hitt er gömul brella, og ekki er meira mark takandi á því sem hann segir um silfurpeningafund en um haugaeld." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Fólgið fé á Mosfelli]] (p. 102).</ref> that Egil must have hidden his money there. Below the farm enclosure at Moss-fell are bogs wide and very deep. Many feel sure<ref>'''feel sure''': "Þessi frásögn sýnir, að fólki í Mosfellssveit hefur snemma orðið skrafdrjúgt um silfur Egils og jafnvel gert skipulegar tilraunir til að finna það." [[Kristján Eldjárn. Kistur Aðalsteins konungs]] (p. 100).</ref> that 'tis there Egil hid his money. And south of the river are hot springs, and hard by there large earthholes, and some men guess that Egil must have hidden his money there, because out that way cairn-fires were often seen to hover. Egil said that he had slain Grim's thralls, also that he had hidden the chests, but where he had hidden them he told no man.

In the autumn following Egil fell sick of the sickness whereof he died. When he was dead, then Grim had Egil dressed in goodly raiment,<ref>'''dressed in goodly raiment''': “After his death, Egill is buried by Grímr Svertingsson, … in a respectful manner: ‘in good clothes’ (‘í klæði góð’) together with his weapons and garments … Egill’s own strong mind is thus pacified by respectful burial practices that apply him with good clothes and weapons in the afterlife, as well as Christianity and Christian men.” [[Kanerva, Kirsi. Rituals for the Restless Dead]] (p. 221).</ref> and carried down to Tjalda-ness;<ref>'''carried down to Tjalda-ness''': "Engin vissa er fyrir því, hvar Tjaldanes hafi verið, þar sem Egill var heygðr. Örnefnið er nú ekki til lengur. En líklega hefir það verið í Mosfellslandi, og þá er helst ætlandi, að oddi sá, sem myndast milli ármótanna Köldukvíslar og Reykjaár, sem nú heitir Víðiroddi, hafi verið kallarður Tjaldanes, eins og fyr er á vikið." [[Magnús Grímsson. Athugasemdir við Egils sögu Skallagrímssonar]] (p. 271).</ref> there a sepulchral mound was made, and in it was Egil laid with his weapons and his raiment.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 88==

'''Andlát Egils Skalla-Grímssonar'''

Egill Skalla-Grímsson varð maður gamall<ref>'''varð maður gamall''': "Finally, I said that ''Færeyinga saga'' was distinguished by its symbolic characters who illustrates opposing attitudes, and by its ironic contrast between individual fate and historical trend. This historical vision is also present - in more sophisticated form - in ''Egils saga'': the dark and light aspects of the family represent contrasting beliefs and behavior. Those who support kings fare badly, while uncooperative and independent men live longest." [[Berman, Melissa. The Political Sagas]] (s. 126).</ref> en í elli hans gerðist hann þungfær og glapnaði honum bæði heyrn og sýn.<ref>''' glapnaði honum bæði heyrn og sýn''': "Egil's deafness is consistent with new bone growth compressing the auditory nerve as it runs through a channel in the skull, from the brain to the ear. This symptom has been reported in endemic fluorosis" [[Weinstein, P. Palaeopathology by proxy: the case of Egil’s bones]] (s. 1078).</ref> Hann gerðist og fótstirður.<ref>'''gerðist og fótstirður''': "Verið getur að Egill hafi þjáðst af aflagandi sjúkdómi er kallast Pagetssjúkdómur (Paget's disease). Þessi sjúkdómur, sem e.t.v. er arfgengur eða af völdum veiru, getur valdið blindu á fullorðinsárumn sem og ágengu heyrnar- og jafnvægistapi. Allir þessir annmarkar þjáðu Egil." [[Byock, Jesse L.. Hauskúpan og beinin í Egils sögu]] (s. 76).</ref> Egill var þá að Mosfelli með Grími og Þórdísi.<ref>'''Egill var þá að Mosfelli með Grími og Þórdísi''': "As late as 1730 in Iceland, no more than 12 percent of households were three-generational; hence the multigenerational household of the irascible octogenarian Egil Skallagrímsson must surely have been highly unusual in the settlement period." [[Overing, Gillian. A body in question]] (s. 216).</ref>

Það var einn dag er Egill gekk úti með vegg og drap fæti og féll. Konur nokkurar sáu það og hlógu að og mæltu: „Farinn ertu nú Egill með öllu er þú fellur einn saman.“

Þá segir Grímur bóndi: „Miður hæddu konur að okkur þá er við vorum yngri.“

Þá kvað Egill:

Vald hefi eg váfur helsis, 
váfallr er eg skalla. 
Blautr erumst<ref>'''Blautr erumst''': "Egill states the equation in pithy half-stanza lamenting the effects of age [...]. The line in question translates something like: „soft is the bore of the foot/leg of taste/pleasure“, the bore referring to tongue if one takes bergis fótar to mean „head“, but to penis if one takes the kenning to mean „leg of limb of pleasure. [...] One has in this five-word verse the full cord: when not only one’s sword and penis go limp but also one’s tongue, life is pretty much over." [[Clover, Carol J.. Regardless of sex]] (s. 16).</ref> bergi fótar<ref>'''bergi fótar''': “Egill Skalla-Grímsson is literally impotent, but mentally perhaps less so than many others of his age, since at least he is able to compose a skaldic poem about the limpness of his penis.” [[Ármann Jakobsson. The Specter of Old Age]] (s. 316).</ref> 
borr<ref> '''borr''': ““Blautr erum bergis fótar / borr” says Egill. “Bergis fótar borr” is a kenning, a metaphorical poetic circumlocution, and like many skaldic kennings it has been interpreted in various ways. It might be translated literally as “borer/drill of the hill of the leg/foot.” The “hill of the leg” may then be interpreted to mean “head,” in which case its borer or drill is the tongue and Egill is confessing an inability to compose verse as fluently as in the past. Alternatively a more obscene meaning of “hill of the leg” entails that its borer or drill is Egill’s penis. Given the skaldic love of double entendre it is likely both meanings are intended.” [[Phelpstead, Carl. Size Matters]] (s. 425) </ref> en hlust er þorrin. 

Egill varð með öllu sjónlaus.<ref>'''varð með öllu sjónlaus''': „Að sögn Freuds er algengt að geldingarhræðsla komi fram í ótta við að missa augun eða blindast, en til staðfestingar þeirri hugmynd hefði hann væntanlega getað bent á að í lok Egils sögu fer saman lýsing á því að Egill hafi orðið „með öllu sjónlaus“ í elli sinni“ og dróttkvæð vísa þar sem fram kemur að getnaðarlimur („bergis fótar borr“) hans sé orðinn gagnslítill“. [[Jón Karl Helgason. Rjóðum spjöll í dreyra]] (s. 65).</ref> Það var einhvern dag er veður var kalt um veturinn að Egill fór til elds að verma sig. Matseljan ræddi um að það var undur mikið, slíkur maður sem Egill hafði verið, að hann skyldi liggja fyrir fótum þeim<ref>'''að hann skyldi liggja fyrir fótum þeim''': [The scene in Vitlausu Eglu:] "Það var einn tíma um vorið að allir karlmenn voru heiman farnir frá Mosfelli til erinda sinna, að hestur einn lá í bænum að Mosfelli um þverar dyr dauður, so ei var hægt að ganga hjá, en konum varð mjög að orðum um það þær kæmi honum ei í burt. Sem Egill þetta heyrði gekk hann á fætur, og var hann þá allsendis blindur, og leiddu konur þangað sem hesturinn lá dauður, og tók hann um afturfætur hestsins og rykkti honum í einu út á hlað svo út gegnu garnir.“ Whereas in the medieval A-version Egil is told off by the cook at Mosfell for being in her way in the kitchen, here it is a dead horse that gets in the women’s way and Egil himself who sees to their problem. ‘New Egil’s Saga’ contains none of the anecdotes about Egil’s old age that are found (varyingly) in other versions, and which the writer must have known from the rímur." [[Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir. Egil Strikes Again]] (p. 192).</ref> svo að þær mættu eigi vinna verk sín.

„Ver þú vel við,“ segir Egill, „þótt eg bakist við eldinn og mýkjumst vér við um rúmin.“

„Stattu upp,“ segir hún, „og gakk til rúms þíns og lát oss vinna verk vor.“

Egill stóð upp og gekk til rúms síns og kvað:

Hvarfa eg blindr of branda, 
bið eg eirar Syn geira, 
þann ber eg harm á hvarma 
hvitvöllum mér, sitja. 
Er jarðgöfugr, orðum, 
orð mín konungr forðum<ref>'''orð mín konungr forðum''': "The splendid
bygone time in which Egil is absorbed in thought constitutes his true identity, while
being concealed by his present misery. The two parts of the stanza juxtapose – cruelly
but triumphantly – the tangible social personality (the weak old man who is ridiculed by
the women) and the interior one." [[Koch, Ludovica. Gli scaldi]] (s. xvii).</ref> 
hafði, gramr, að gamni, 
Geirhamdis mig framdi.<ref> '''framdi''': "The reference no doubt is to King Æthelstán (sic) of England, the only king Egil ever got along with... And Egil composed a ''drápa'' in the king's honor. So it is most unlikely that Egil ever after confused the two princes [Eric and Æthelstan]. Admittedly though, this leaves us with the seemingly contradictory attribute ''gramr'' 'grim, enraged', certainly best applied to Eric. However, a meaning 'stern' is possible, too... Little is known of Æthelstan's character. But that the ''basileus'' of England was redoubtable to his enemies, of that there cannot be any question." [[Hollander, Lee M. Egill Skallagrímsson]] (p. 105) </ref> 

Það var enn eitt sinn er Egill gekk til elds að verma sig, þá spurði maður hann hvort honum væri kalt á fótum og bað hann eigi rétta of nær eldinum.

„Svo skal vera,“ segir Egill, „en eigi verður mér nú hógstýrt fótunum er eg sé eigi og er of dauflegt sjónleysið.“

Þá kvað Egill:

Langt þykir mér, 
ligg eg einn saman, 
karl afgamall, 
á konungs vörnum.<ref>''' á konungs vörnum.''': " Samkvæmt þessu liggur Egill á brjóstinu, þ.e. meltunni, er hann kveðst liggja ,á konungs vörnum‘ en brjóstið er líka uppspretta skáldskapar hans því að fornu trúðu menn því að þar byggi vitið. Með þremur orðum eru þá í hinstu vísu Egils samtvinnaðir þeir þræðir sem frekast hafa einkennt alla sögu hans: baráttan við konungsvaldið og skáldskapurinn. " [[Bergljót Soffía Kristjánsdóttir, Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir. Um Egils sögu]] (s. xxii).</ref> 
Eigum ekkjur<ref>''' á konungs vörnum. Eigum ekkjur''': " þá sýnist eðlilegra að gera ráð fyrir að Egill vísi til líkamshluta í fyrri part vísunnar eins og hann gerir í þeim síðari. Því má ætla að á konungs vörnum þýði annaðhvort á maganum eða á brjóstinu." [[Sverrir Tómasson. Á konungs vörnum]] (s. 104).</ref> 
alkaldar tvær<ref>'''Eigum ekkjur / alkaldar tvær''': "Lýsingin kemur heim og saman við það að blóðstreymi er oft lítið til útlima sjúklinga með ''osteitis deformans'', svo þeir verða kaldir." [[Örnólfur Thorlacius. Hjálmaklettur Egils]] (s.137).</ref> 
en þær konur 
þurfa blossa. 

Það var á dögum Hákonar hins ríka öndverðum, þá var Egill Skalla-Grímsson á níunda tigi og var hann þá hress maður fyrir annars sakir en sjónleysis.<ref>'''hress maður fyrir annars sakir en sjónleysis''': "Jón Björnsson suggests that the sagas tend to record the unusual, and hence the unusual elder … the advanced age of Egil Skallagrímsson … is recorded along with his other achievements, and Jesse Byock has recently suggested that the decrepitude and sexual incapacity recorded by the sagawriter may have been due to Paget’s disease as opposed to senility." [[Overing, Gillian. A body in question]] (s. 214).</ref>

Það var um sumarið er menn bjuggust til þings þá beiddi Egill Grím að ríða til þings með honum. Grímur tók því seinlega.

Og er þau Grímur og Þórdís töluðust við þá sagði Grímur henni hvers Egill hafði beitt „vil eg að þú forvitnist hvað undir mun búa bæn þessi.“

Þórdís gekk til máls við Egil frænda sinn. Var þá mest gaman Egils að ræða við hana. Og er hún hitti hann þá spurði hún: „Er það satt frændi er þú vilt til þings ríða? Vildi eg að þú segðir mér hvað væri í ráðagerð þinni.“

„Eg skal segja þér,“ kvað hann, „hvað eg hefi hugsað. Eg ætla að hafa til þings með mér kistur þær tvær er Aðalsteinn konungur gaf mér er hvortveggi er full af ensku silfri. Ætla eg að láta bera kisturnar til Lögbergs þá er þar er fjölmennast. Síðan ætla eg að sá silfrinu<ref>'''ætla eg að sá silfrinu''': "Aldrei er [Egill] annar eins Óðinsdýrkandi og þegar hannn [svo] ætlar síðast til Alþingis með silfrið frá Aðalsteini, sem hann hafði aldrei við sig skilið og haldið fastast fyrir föður sínum. ... Hann ætlar að gera fé sitt að rógmálmi skatna, etja mönnum saman að dæmi Óðins fá honum enn fylgd, þó að sjálfur mætti hann ekki vega." [[Sigurður Nordal. Átrúnaður Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (s. 164).</ref> og þykir mér undarlegt ef allir skipta vel sín í milli. Ætla eg að þar mundi vera þá hrundningar eða pústrar eða bærist að um síðir að allur þingheimurinn berðist.“<ref>'''þingheimurinn berðist''': "Suetonius segir frá því í keisarasögum sínum, meðal annarra firna af hátterni Caligula, að hann hafi valdið misklíð milli alþýðumana og riddara með því að gefa decimae (ókeypis veitingar) of snemma, svo að skríll legði undir sig riddarasætin." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Fólgið fé á Mosfelli]] (s. 102).</ref>

Þórdís segir: „Þetta þykir mér þjóðráð og mun uppi meðan landið er byggt.“

Síðan gekk Þórdís til tals við Grím og sagði honum ráðagerð Egils.

„Það skal aldrei verða að hann komi þessu fram, svo miklum firnum.“

Og er Egill kom á ræður við Grím um þingferðina þá taldi Grímur það allt af og sat Egill heima um þingið. Eigi líkaði honum það vel. Var hann heldur ófrýnn.

Að Mosfelli var höfð selför og var Þórdís í seli um þingið.

Það var eitt kveld þá er menn bjuggust til rekkna að Mosfelli að Egill kallaði til sín þræla tvo<ref>'''þræla tvo''': "Megi gera því skóna að dráp þrælanna tveggja undir ævilok Egils [...] sé í raun blótfórn, væri þar kominn merkur endir á lífshlaup Óðinsdýrkandans." [[Heimir Pálsson. Óðinn, Þór og Egill]] (s. 115).</ref> er Grímur átti. Hann bað þá taka sér hest „vil eg fara til laugar.“

Og er Egill var búinn gekk hann út og hafði með sér silfurkistur sínar.<ref>'''silfurkistur sínar''': „Das hohe Alter von Skallagrímr und sein Tod verweisen ebenfalls auf den mythischen Raum. Unmittelbar vor seinem Tod vollbringt er noch eine große Tat: Er geht während der Nacht weg, versteckt seine große Kiste und einen Bronzekessel (wahrscheinlich voll Gold) in einem Moor und legt einen großen flachen Stein darauf, was gewissermaßen eine Parallele zu der Schmiedestein-Affäre ist. Wenn Egill später sein Silber versteckt, wird diese Episode gespiegelt – und beide Aktionen erinnern an die Heldensage und den Nibelungenhort.“ [[Baldur Hafstað. Die Egils saga im Lichte von Mythen, Heldensage und Wikingersage]] (s. 104).</ref> Hann steig á hest, fór síðan ofan eftir túninu fyrir brekku þá er þar verður er menn sáu síðast.

En um morguninn er menn risu upp þá sáu þeir að Egill hvarflaði á holtinu fyrir austan garð<ref>'''fyrir austan garð''': "Svo var röm í [Agli] forneskjan, og má af því ráða að hann hafi trúað því að hann mundi nota silfursins dauður, ef hann græfi það í jörð. Tilgátan um, að hann hafi fólgið það í gilinu "fyrir austan garð at Mosfelli" er því ekki ósennileg" [[Árni Óla. Hvar fól Egill silfur Aðalsteins konungs]] (s. 183).</ref> og leiddi eftir sér hestinn. Fara þeir þá til hans og fluttu hann heim.

En hvorki komu aftur síðan þrælarnir né kisturnar<ref>'''né kisturnar''': "[Egil] buries the hoard in a secret location, effectively disinheriting his own children. [...] In place of the funerary poem he had failed to compose for her, Egil expresses his grief for Asgerd [...] in the idiom of belligerent widowerhood. With no second wife to bear him a child of his old age, who might ruinously complicate inheritance matters in the manner of Hildirid's sons or Gunnhild Bjarnardottir, Egil manoeuvres to become his own heir." [[Falk, Oren. *Konutorrek: A Husband’s Lament]] (s. 142).</ref> og eru þar margar gátur á hvar Egill hafi fólgið fé sitt.<ref>'''fólgið fé sitt''': ““Hidden silver of gold is a well-known motif, Atlakviða being another example. But this version – hiding your silver with the help of slaves who are then killed – appears only in these two sources in Old Icelandic literature [Egils saga and the Landnámabók account of Ketilbjörn gamli]. This reinforces the view that there are direct connections between the two works.” [[Baldur Hafstað. Egils saga, Njáls saga, and the Shadow of Landnáma]] (s. 28).</ref> Fyrir austan garð að Mosfelli gengur gil ofan úr fjalli. En það hefir orðið þar til merkja að í bráðaþeyjum er þar vatnfall mikið en eftir það er vötnin hafa fram fallið hafa fundist í gilinu enskir peningar.<ref>'''fundist í gilinu enskir peningar''': „Egill var auðugur að fé. Eins og Ketilbjörn bjó hann á Mosfelli […] Í báðum textum er talað um skarð eða gil í fellinu ofan við bæinn […] En þetta mótíf - að fela silfur sitt með aðstöð þræla sem síðan eru drepnir - birtist aðeins á þessum tveimur stöðum í fornum bókmenntum okkar. Það styrkir þá skoðun að áhrifin séu bein þarna á milli […] Þannig má segja að frásögn Landnámu leggi fram mikilvægan efnivið að síðari hluta Egils sögu". [[Baldur Hafstað. HSk, Landnáma og Egils saga]] (s. 33-34).</ref> Geta sumir menn þess<ref>'''geta sumir menn þess''': "Tilvísanir til þess að sumir segi þetta og aðrir hitt er gömul brella, og ekki er meira mark takandi á því sem hann segir um silfurpeningafund en um haugaeld." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Fólgið fé á Mosfelli]] (s. 102).</ref> að Egill muni þar féið hafa fólgið. Fyrir neðan tún að Mosfelli eru fen stór og furðulega djúp. Hafa það margir fyrir satt<ref>'''margir fyrir satt''': "Þessi frásögn sýnir, að fólki í Mosfellssveit hefur snemma orðið skrafdrjúgt um silfur Egils og jafnvel gert skipulegar tilraunir til að finna það." [[Kristján Eldjárn. Kistur Aðalsteins konungs]] (s. 100).</ref> að Egill muni þar hafa kastað í fé sínu. Fyrir sunnan ána eru laugar og þar skammt frá jarðholur stórar og geta þess sumir að Egill mundi þar hafa fólgið fé sitt því að þangað er oftlega sénn haugaeldur. Egill sagði að hann hefði drepið þræla Gríms og svo það að hann hafði fé sitt fólgið, en það sagði hann engum manni hvar hann hefði fólgið.

Egill tók sótt eftir um haustið þá er hann leiddi til bana. En er hann var andaður þá lét Grímur færa Egil í klæði góð.<ref>'''færa Egil í klæði góð''': “After his death, Egill is buried by Grímr Svertingsson, … in a respectful manner: ‘in good clothes’ (‘í klæði góð’) together with his weapons and garments … Egill’s own strong mind is thus pacified by respectful burial practices that apply him with good clothes and weapons in the afterlife, as well as Christianity and Christian men.” [[Kanerva, Kirsi. Rituals for the Restless Dead]] (s. 221).</ref> Síðan lét hann flytja hann ofan í Tjaldanes<ref>'''flytja hann ofan í Tjaldanes''': "Engin vissa er fyrir því, hvar Tjaldanes hafi verið, þar sem Egill var heygðr. Örnefnið er nú ekki til lengur. En líklega hefir það verið í Mosfellslandi, og þá er helst ætlandi, að oddi sá, sem myndast milli ármótanna Köldukvíslar og Reykjaár, sem nú heitir Víðiroddi, hafi verið kallarður Tjaldanes, eins og fyr er á vikið." [[Magnús Grímsson. Athugasemdir við Egils sögu Skallagrímssonar]] (s. 271).</ref> og gera þar haug og var Egill þar í lagður og vopn hans og klæði.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Main Page

2024-04-05T09:50:30Z

Andri:

== Annotated bibliographies of '''Egils saga''' and '''Njáls saga''' ==
'''Please note that this database has not been updated since 2017'''

This website features [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Category:Egils_saga._Efnisyfirlit the text of Egils saga] Skalla-Grímssonar and [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Category:Nj%C3%A1ls_saga._Efnisyfirlit the text of Njáls saga] with an annotated bibliography of scholarly articles about [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Category:Egils_saga:_Articles Egils saga] and about [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Category:Nj%C3%A1ls_saga._Efnisyfirlit Njáls saga]. One entry is devoted to [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Agnes_S._Arn%C3%B3rsd%C3%B3ttir._Nokkrar_huglei%C3%B0ingar_um_kynbundi%C3%B0_uppeldi_%C3%A1_mi%C3%B0%C3%B6ldum each article], and in some instances the entry is linked to relevant [[Egla, 01|chapter of the sagas]]. Egils saga is presented here in the original English translation by William Charles Green from 1893 and the most recent Icelandic edition of the saga, prepared by Bergljót Kristjánsdóttir and Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir and published by Mál og menning in 1994. Njáls saga is presented here in the original English translation of George Webbe Dasent from 1861 and a recent Icelandic edition of the saga, prepared by Sveinn Yngvi Egilsson and published by Bjartur in 2004. It is also possible to find articles through [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Category:Key_words chosen key words]. The database is still at the development stage, and there are still some 250 articles in it that are without annotation. Those who are interested to contributing to the website or make suggestions can contact the editors at jkh(at)hi.is.

== Lýsandi heimildaskrár '''Egils sögu''' og '''Njáls sögu''' ==
'''Athugið að gagnagrunnurinn hefur ekki verið uppfærður frá 2017'''

Þessi vefur hefur að geyma [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Category:Egils_saga._Efnisyfirlit texta Egils sögu] Skallagrímssonar og [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Category:Nj%C3%A1ls_saga._Efnisyfirlit texta Njáls sögu] ásamt lýsandi heimildaskrá yfir fræðileg skrif um [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Category:Egils_saga:_Articles Egils sögu] annars vegar og um [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Category:Nj%C3%A1ls_saga._Efnisyfirlit Njáls sögu] hins vegar. Ein færsla er helguð [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Agnes_S._Arn%C3%B3rsd%C3%B3ttir._Nokkrar_huglei%C3%B0ingar_um_kynbundi%C3%B0_uppeldi_%C3%A1_mi%C3%B0%C3%B6ldum hverri grein] eða bókarkafla og í mörgum tilvikum er svo að finna tilvísanir til viðeigandi [[Egla, 01|kafla sagnanna]]. Egils saga er birt á vefnum, annars vegar í enskri þýðingu Williams Charles Green frá 1893 og hins vegar í þeirri íslensku útgáfu sem þær Bergljót Kristjánsdóttir og Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir gengu frá til prentunar fyrir Mál og menningu árið 1994. Njáls saga er hér birt í enskri þýðingu George Webbe Dasent frá 1861 og nýlegri íslenskri útgáfu sem Sveinn Yngvi Egilsson gekk frá til prentunar fyrir Bjart árið 2004. Það er einnig mögulegt að finna greinar flokkaðar eftir [http://wikisaga.hi.is/index.php?title=Category:Key_words völdum lykilorðum]. Þessi gagnagrunnur er enn í mótun og á næstu mánuðum munum við hefja þróun lýsandi heimildaskrár fyrir Njáls sögu. Þeir sem hafa áhuga á að leggja til efni á vefinn eða gera athugasemdir geta haft samband við ritstjóra með því að senda póst á netfangið jkh(hjá)hi.is.

'''Editors'''
* Jón Karl Helgason (University of Iceland)
* Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir (The Árni Magnússon Institute for Icelandic Studies)

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* Andri M. Kristjánsson (University of Iceland)
* Álfdís Þorleifsdóttir (University of Iceland)
* Barbora Davidkova (University of Iceland)
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'''Developer of the database'''
* Olga Holownia (University of Iceland)

'''Sponsors'''
* [http://www.arnastofnun.is/page/arnastofnun_frontpage_en The Árni Magnússon Institute for Icelandic Studies]
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Njála, 047

2019-06-05T15:46:50Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 47==

There was a man named Otkell; he was the son of Skarf, the son of Hallkell, who fought with Grim of Grimsness, and felled him on the holm.

Otkell kept house at Kirkby; his wife's name was Thorgerda; she was a daughter of Mar, the son of Runolf, the son of Naddad of the Faroe Isles. Otkell was wealthy in goods. His son's name was Thorgeir; he was young in years, and a bold dashing man.

Skamkell was the name of another man; he kept house at another farm called Hof; he was well off for money, but he was a spiteful man and a liar; quarrelsome too, and ill to deal with. He was Otkell's friend. Hallkell was the name of Otkell's brother; he was a tall strong man, and lived there with Otkell; their brother's name was Hallbjorn the White; he brought out to Iceland a thrall, whose name was Malcolm; he was Irish, and had not many friends.

Hallbjorn went to stay with Otkell, and so did his thrall Malcolm. The thrall was always saying that he should think himself happy if Otkell owned him. Otkell was kind to him, and gave him a knife and belt, and a full suit of clothes, but the thrall turned his hand to any work that Otkell wished.

Otkell wanted to make a bargain with his brother for the thrall; he said he would give him the thrall, but said, too, that he was a worse treasure than he thought. But as soon as Otkell owned the thrall, then he did less and less work. Otkell often said outright to Hallbjorn, that he thought the thrall did little work; and he told Otkell that there was worse in him yet to come.

At that time came a great scarcity, so that men fell short both of meat and hay, and that spread over all parts of Iceland. Gunnar shared his hay and meat with many men; and all got them who came thither, so long as his stores lasted. At last it came about that Gunnar himself fell short both of hay and meat. Then Gunnar called on Kolskegg to go along with him; he called too on Thrain Sigfus' son, and Lambi Sigurd's son. They fared to Kirkby, and called Otkell out. He greeted them, and Gunnar said, "It so happens that I am come to deal with thee for hay and meat, if there be any left."

Otkell answers, "There is store of both, but I will sell thee neither."<ref>''' but I will sell thee neither. ''': “Gunnar construes Otkel‘s remark as a hint to ask for a gift rather than as the statement of defiance it soon proves itself to be, that is, an indication of hostility to selling rather than hostility to him.” [[Miller, William Ian. Gift, Sale, Payment, Raid.]] (p. 28). </ref>

"Wilt thou give me them then," says Gunnar, "and run the risk of my paying thee back somehow?"

"I will not do that either," says Otkell.

Skamkell all the while was giving him bad counsel.

Then Thrain Sigfus' son, said, "It would serve him right if we take both hay and meat and lay down the worth of them instead."

Skamkell answered, "All the men of Mossfell must be dead and gone then, if ye, sons of Sigfus, are to come and rob them."

"I will have no hand in any robbery," says Gunnar.

"Wilt thou buy a thrall of me?" says Otkell.

"I'll not spare to do that," says Gunnar. After that Gunnar bought the thrall,<ref>''' After that Gunnar bought the thrall ''': “It is one Otkel Skarfsson who refuses to sell Gunnar hay, which he needs to help his neighbours in a time of famine, but he does sell him a slave of very questionable character named Melkólf. It is unclear why Gunnar would purchase a slave with nothing to recommend him when he is apparently in no need of one, but it is one of Gunnar’s characteristics that he makes repeated mistakes.” [[Andersson, Theodore M..Demythologizing the Tradition]] (p. 193). </ref> and fared away as things stood.

Njal hears of this, and said, "Such things are ill done, to refuse to let Gunnar buy; and it is not a good outlook for others if such men as he cannot get what they want."

"What's the good of thy talking so much about such a little matter," says Bergthora; "far more like a man would it be to let him have both meat and hay, when thou lackest neither of them."

"That is clear as day," says Njal, "and I will of a surety supply his need somewhat."

Then he fared up to Thorolfsfell, and his sons with him, and they bound hay on fifteen horses; but on five horses they had meat. Njal came to Lithend, and called Gunnar out. He greeted them kindly.

"Here is hay and meat," said Njal, "which I will give thee; and my wish is, that thou shouldst never look to any one else than to me if thou standest in need of anything."

"Good are thy gifts," says Gunnar, "but methinks thy friendship is still more worth, and that of thy sons."

After that Njal fared home, and now the spring passes away.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 47==

Otkell hét maður. Hann var Skarfsson Hallkelssonar. Sá barðist við Grím í Grímsnesi og felldi hann af hólmi. Þeir voru bræður Hallkell og Ketilbjörn gamli. Hann bjó í Kirkjubæ. Þorgerður hét kona hans. Hún var Másdóttir Runólfssonar Naddaðarsonar hins færeyska. Otkell var auðigur að fé. Son hans hét Þorgeir. Hann var á ungum aldri og gervilegur maður.

Skammkell hét maður. Hann bjó að Hofi öðru. Hann átti vel fé. Hann var lyginn, ódæll og illur viðureignar. Hann var vinur Otkels.

Hallkell hét bróðir Otkels. Hann var mikill maður og sterkur og var þar með Otkatli. Bróðir þeirra hét Hallbjörn hvíti. Hann flutti út þræl einn er Melkólfur hét. Hann var írskur og heldur óvinsæll. Hallbjörn fór til vistar með Otkatli og svo Melkólfur þræll. Þrællinn mælti það jafnan að hann þættist sæll ef Otkell ætti hann. Hann var vel til hans og gaf honum kníf og belti og alklæðnað en þrællinn vann allt það er hann vildi. Otkell falaði þrælinn að bróður sínum. Hann kvaðst mundu gefa honum þrælinn en kvað þó verra grip í en hann ætlaði. En þegar er Otkell átti þrælinn þá vann hann aldrei verr. Otkell talaði oftlega fyrir Hallbirni að honum þætti þrællinn lítið vinna. Hann sagði Otkatli að honum var annað verr gefið.

Í þenna tíma kom hallæri mikið svo að menn skorti bæði hey og mat og gekk það um allar sveitir. Gunnar miðlaði mörgum manni hey og mat og höfðu allir er þangað komu meðan til var. Svo kom að Gunnar skorti bæði hey og mat. Þá kvaddi Gunnar Kolskegg til ferðar með sér og Þráin Sigfússon og Lamba Sigurðarson. Þeir fóru í Kirkjubæ og kölluðu Otkel út. Hann heilsar þeim.

Gunnar mælti: „Svo er háttað,“ segir Gunnar, „að eg er kominn að fala að þér hey og mat ef til væri.“

Otkell segir: „Hvorttveggja er til en hvortgi mun eg þér selja.“<ref>''' en hvortgi mun eg þér selja ''': “Gunnar construes Otkel‘s remark as a hint to ask for a gift rather than as the statement of defiance it soon proves itself to be, that is, an indication of hostility to selling rather than hostility to him.” [[Miller, William Ian. Gift, Sale, Payment, Raid.]] (s. 28). </ref>

„Viltu gefa mér þá og hætta til hverju eg launa þér?“

„Eigi vil eg það,“ segir Otkell.

Skammkell var tillagaillur.

Þráinn Sigfússon mælti: „Þess væri vert að vér tækjum og legðum verð í staðinn.“

Skammkell svaraði: „Aldauða eru Mosfellingar ef þér Sigfússynir skuluð ræna þá.“

„Með engi rán vil eg fara,“ segir Gunnar.

„Vilt þú kaupa þræl að mér?“ segir Otkell.

„Það spara eg eigi,“ segir Gunnar.

Síðan keypti Gunnar þrælinn<ref>''' Síðan keypti Gunnarr þrælinn ''': “It is one Otkel Skarfsson who refuses to sell Gunnar hay, which he needs to help his neighbours in a time of famine, but he does sell him a slave of very questionable character named Melkólf. It is unclear why Gunnar would purchase a slave with nothing to recommend him when he is apparently in no need of one, but it is one of Gunnar’s characteristics that he makes repeated mistakes.” [[Andersson, Theodore M..Demythologizing the Tradition]] (s. 193). </ref> og fór í braut við svo búið.

Þetta spyr Njáll og mælti: „Illa er slíkt gert að varna Gunnari kaups. Er þar öðrum eigi góðs von er slíkir fá eigi.“

„Hvað þarft þú margt um slíkt að tala? Miklu er drengilegra að fá honum bæði mat og hey er þig skortir hvortgi til,“ sagði Bergþóra.

Njáll mælti: „Þetta er dagsanna og skal eg birgja hann að nokkuru.“

Fór hann upp í Þórólfsfell og synir hans og bundu þar hey á fimmtán hesta en á fimm hestum höfðu þeir mat. Njáll kom til Hlíðarenda og kallaði út Gunnar. Hann fagnar þeim vel.

Njáll mælti: „Hér er hey og matur er eg vil gefa þér. Vil eg að þú leitir aldrei annarra en mín ef þú þarft nokkurs við.“

„Góðar eru gjafir þínar,“ segir Gunnar, „en meira þykir mér verð vinátta þín og sona þinna.“

Fór Njáll heim síðan. Síðan líður nú vorið.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Miller, William Ian. Gift, Sale, Payment, Raid.

2019-06-05T15:45:41Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Miller, William Ian
* '''Title''': Gift, Sale, Payment, Raid: Case Studies in the Negotiation and Classification of Exchange in Medieval Iceland
* '''Published in''': ''Speculum'' 61, 1
* '''Year''': 1986
* '''Pages''': 18-50
* '''E-text''': [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2854535 JSTOR]
* '''Reference''': Miller, William Ian. "Gift, Sale, Payment, Raid: Case Studies in the Negotiation and Classification of Exchange in Medieval Iceland." ''Speculum'' 61, 1 (1986): 18-50.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In this paper, Miller investigates how farmers interact with each other when exchanging goods. Miller does this by examining passages from ''Njáls saga'', ''Hœnsa-Þóris saga'' and ''Laxdæla saga''. The economic system of medieval Iceland was based on gift-giving, trade, payment as compensation for a claim, purchase, or raid. The failure of a transaction created humiliation that had to be repaid with legal action, arbitration, or killing, since prestige was more valuable than money. The exchange outcome was thus related to social relations and status and the participants had to influence the transaction to increase their honour. The sagas show that Icelanders were more inclined to exchange goods by compensation (payment or gift) rather than by sale and purchase.

==Lýsing==
Texta vantar
==See also==

==References==
[[Njála,_047| Chapter 47]]: ''' „ en hvortgi mun eg þér selja ''': “Gunnar construes Otkel‘s remark as a hint to ask for a gift rather than as the statement of defiance it soon proves itself to be, that is, an indication of hostility to selling rather than hostility to him.” (p. 28)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Luna Polinelli
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 012

2019-06-05T15:35:41Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 12==

While this was going on, Thorwald's men came down with their load, but Thiostolf was not slow in his plans. He hewed with both hands at the gunwale of the skiff and cut it down about two planks; then he leapt into his boat, but the dark blue sea poured into the skiff, and down she went with all her freight. Down too sank Thorwald's body, so that his men could not see what had been done to him, but they knew well enough that he was dead. Thiostolf rowed away up the firth, but they shouted after him wishing him ill luck. He made them no answer, but rowed on till he got home, and ran the boat up on the beach, and went up to the house with his axe, all bloody as it was, on his shoulder. Hallgerda stood out of doors, and said, "Thine axe is bloody; what hast thou done?"

"I have done now what will cause thee to be wedded a second time."

"Thou tellest me then that Thorwald is dead," she said.

"So it is," said he, "and now look out for my safety."

"So I will," she said; "I will send thee north to Bearfirth, to Swanshol, and Swan, my kinsman, will receive thee with open arms. He is so mighty a man that no one will seek thee thither."

So he saddled a horse that she had, and jumped on his back, and rode off north to Bearfirth, to Swanshol, and Swan received him with open arms, and said: "That's what I call a man who does not stick at trifles! And now I promise thee if they seek thee here, they shall get nothing but the greatest shame."

Now, the story goes back to Hallgerda, and how she behaved. She called on Liot the Black, her kinsman, to go with her, and bade him saddle their horses, for she said, "I will ride home to my father."

While he made ready for their journey, she went to her chests and unlocked them and called all the men of her house about her, and gave each of them some gift; but they all grieved at her going. Now she rides home to her father; and he received her well, for as yet he had not heard the news. But Hrut said to Hallgerda, "Why did not Thorwald come with thee?" and she answered, "He is dead."

Then said Hauskuld, "That was Thiostolf's doing."

"It was," she said.

"Ah!" said Hauskuld, "Hrut was not far wrong when he told me that this bargain would draw mickle misfortune after it. But there's no good in troubling one's self about a thing that's done and gone."

Now, the story must go back to Thorwald's mates, how there they are, and how they begged the loan of a boat to get to the mainland. So a boat was lent them at once, and they rowed up the firth to Reykianess, and found Oswif, and told him these tidings.

He said, "Ill luck is the end of ill redes, and now I see how it has all gone. Hallgerda must have sent Thiostolf to Bearfirth, but she herself must have ridden home to her father. Let us now gather folk and follow him up thither north." So they did that, and went about asking for help, and got together many men. And then they all rode off to Steingrims river, and so on to Liotriverdale and Selriverdale, till they came to Bearfirth.

Now Swan began to speak, and gasped much. "Now Oswif's fetches are seeking us out." Then up sprung Thiostolf, but Swan said, "Go thou out with me, there won't be need of much." So they went out both of them, and Swan took a goatskin and wrapped it about his own head, and said, "Become mist and fog, become fright and wonder mickle to all those who seek thee."

Now, it must be told how Oswif, his friends, and his men are riding along the ridge; then came a great mist<ref>'''came a great mist''': "The simplest approach is to equate parallel motifs with direct influence, and then start pursuing parallel motifs through literature. For example, there are many mists in Celtic stories (e.g.in the ''Mabinogion'', Jones 1989, 43) similar to the magic mist that protects Þjóstólfr from his pursuers in ''Njáls saga''." [[Robinson, Peter. Vikings and Celts]] (p. 129).</ref> against them, and Oswif said, "This is Swan's doing; 'twere well if nothing worse followed." A little after a mighty darkness came before their eyes, so that they could see nothing, and then they fell off their horses' backs, and lost their horses, and dropped their weapons, and went over head and ears into bogs, and some went astray into the wood, till they were on the brink of bodily harm. Then Oswif said, "If I could only find my horse and weapons, then I'd turn back;" and he hid scarce spoken these words than they saw somewhat, and found their horses and weapons. Then many still egged the others on to look after the chase once more; and so they did, and at once the same wonders befell them, and so they fared thrice. Then Oswif said, "Though the course be not good, let us still turn back. Now, we will take counsel a second time, and what now pleases my mind best, is to go and find Hauskuld, and ask atonement for my son; for there's no hope of honour where there's good store of it."

So they rode thence to the Broadfirth dales, and there is nothing to be told about them till they came to Hauskuldstede, and Hrut was there before them. Oswif called out Hauskuld and Hrut, and they both went out and bade him good day. After that they began to talk. Hauskuld asked Oswif whence he came. He said he had set out to search for Thiostolf, but couldn't find him. Hauskuld said he must have gone north to Swanshol, "and thither it is not every man's lot to go to find him."

"Well," says Oswif, "I am come hither for this, to ask atonement for my son from thee."

Hauskuld answered, "I did not slay thy son, nor did I plot his death; still it may be forgiven thee to look for atonement somewhere."

"Nose is next of kin, brother, to eyes," said Hrut, "and it is needful to stop all evil tongues, and to make him atonement for his son, and so mend thy daughter's state, for that will only be the case when this suit is dropped, and the less that is said about it the better it will be."

Hauskuld said, "Wilt thou undertake the award?"

"That I will," says Hrut, "nor will I shield thee at all in my award; for if the truth must be told thy daughter planned his death."

Then Hrut held his peace some little while, and afterwards he stood up, and said to Oswif, "Take now my hand in handsel as a token that thou lettest the suit drop."

So Oswif stood up and said, "This is not an atonement on equal terms when thy brother utters the award, but still thou (speaking to Hrut) hast behaved so well about it that I trust thee thoroughly to make it." Then he stood up and took Hauskuld's hand, and came to an atonement<ref>''' took Hauskuld's hand, and came to an atonement ''': “This case provides in Hrut an example of a person who plays a number of roles in the processing of a dispute, all with great intelligence and skill. He serves as an advisor and supporter to his brother, a mediator, and ultimately an arbitrator.” [[Miller, William Ian. Avoiding Legal Judgment]] (p. 120). </ref> in the matter, on the understanding that Hrut was to make up his mind and utter the award before Oswif went away. After that, Hrut made his award, and said, "For the slaying of Thorwald I award two hundred in silver"--that was then thought a good price for a man--"and thou shalt pay it down at once, brother, and pay it too with an open hand."

Hauskuld did so, and then Hrut said to Oswif, "I will give thee a good cloak which I brought with me from foreign lands."

He thanked him for his gift, and went home well pleased at the way in which things had gone.

After that Hauskuld and Hrut came to Oswif to share the goods, and they and Oswif came to a good agreement about that too, and they went home with their share of the goods, and Oswif is now out of our story. Hallgerda begged Hauskuld to let her come back home to him, and he gave her leave, and for a long time there was much talk about Thorwald's slaying. As for Hallgerda's goods they went on growing till they were worth a great sum.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 12==

Þá fóru þeir ofan, menn Þorvalds, með byrðarnar. Þjóstólfur tók til ráða skjótt. Höggur hann þá tveim höndum borð skútunnar og gengu í sundur borðin um tvö rúm, og hljóp í skip sitt. En á skútunni féll inn sjór kolblár og sökk hún niður með öllum farminum. Þar sökk og niður lík Þorvalds og máttu þeir eigi sjá hversu Þorvaldur var til ger en hitt vissu þeir að hann var dauður.

Þjóstólfur reri inn á fjörðinn en þeir báðu hann illa fara og aldrei þrífast. Hann svaraði engu og reri þar til er hann kom heim og brýndi upp skipinu og gekk heim og hafði uppi öxina og var hún blóðug mjög.

Hallgerður var úti og mælti: „Blóðug er öx þín. Hvað hefir þú unnið?“

„Nú hefi eg það gert að þú munt gefin verða í öðru sinni.“

„Dauðan segir þú þá Þorvald,“ segir hún.

„Svo er,“ sagði hann, „og sjá] þú nú nokkurt ráð fyrir mér.“

„Svo skal vera,“ sagði hún. „Eg vil senda þig norður til Bjarnarfjarðar á Svanshól og mun Svanur taka við þér báðum höndum og er hann svo mikill fyrir sér að þangað sækir þig engi.“

Hann söðlaði hest er hann átti og steig á bak og reið norður til Bjarnarfjarðar á Svanshól og tók Svanur við honum báðum höndum.

Svanur mælti: „Slíkt kalla eg menn er eigi láta sér allt í augu vaxa að gera og mun eg því heita þér ef þeir sækja þig hingað að þeir skulu af því hina mestu skömm fá.“

Nú er þar til máls að taka er Hallgerður er að hún kvaddi til ferðar með sér Ljót hinn svarta, frænda sinn, og bað hann söðla hesta þeirra „og vil eg ríða heim til föður míns.“

Hann bjó ferð þeirra. Hún gekk til kistna sinna og lauk upp og lét kalla til sín heimamenn sína og gaf þeim nokkura gjöf öllum en þeir hörmuðu hana allir.

Nú ríður hún heim til föður síns og tók hann vel við henni því að hann hafði eigi spurt tíðindin.

Höskuldur mælti til Hallgerðar: „Hví fór Þorvaldur eigi með þér.“

Hún svaraði: „Dauður er hann.“

Höskuldur mælti: „Þjóstólfur mun því valda.“

Hún sagði svo vera.

„Það mun mér síst í tauma ganga er Hrútur segir mér að hér mundi til mikillar ógiftu draga um kaup þessi en ekki mun týja að saka sig um orðinn hlut.“

Nú er þar til máls að taka er förunautar Þorvalds eru að þeir biðu til þess er skip komu að landi. Þeir sögðu víg Þorvalds og báðu sér skips inn til lands. Þeim var léð þegar og reru þeir inn til lands að Reykjanesi og fundu nú Ósvífur og sögðu honum þessi tíðindi.

Hann mælti: „Illa gefast ills ráðs leifar og sé eg nú allt eftir hversu farið hefir. Hallgerður mun sent hafa Þjóstólf til Bjarnarfjarðar en hún mun riðin heim til föður síns. Skulum vér nú safna liði og sækja hann norður þangað.“

Þeir gerðu svo og fóru í liðsbón og varð þeim gott til manna og riðu til Steingrímsfjarðar og svo til Ljótárdals og til Selárdals og svo til Bjarnarfjarðar.

Nú tók Svanur til orða og geispaði mjög: „Nú sækja að fylgjur Ósvífurs.“

Þá spratt Þjóstólfur upp.

Svanur mælti: „Gakk þú út með mér. Lítils mun við þurfa.“

Síðan gengu þeir út báðir.

Svanur tók geitskinn eitt og vafði um höfuð sér og mælti:

4.Verði þoka 
og verði skrípi 
og undur mikil öllum þeim 
sem eftir þér sækja. 

Nú er frá því að segja að þeir Ósvífur riðu á hálsinn og menn hans. Þá kom þoka mikil<ref>'''kom þoka mikil''': "The simplest approach is to equate parallel motifs with direct influence, and then start pursuing parallel motifs through literature. For example, there are many mists in Celtic stories (e.g.in the ''Mabinogion'', Jones 1989, 43) similar to the magic mist that protects Þjóstólfr from his pursuers in ''Njáls saga''." [[Robinson, Peter. Vikings and Celts]] (s. 129).</ref> í móti þeim.

Ósvífur mælti: „Þessu mun Svanur valda og væri vel ef eigi fylgdi meira illt.“

Litlu síðar sé sorti mikill fyrir augu þeim svo er þeir sáu ekki og féllu þeir þá af baki og týndu hestunum og gengu í fen ofan sjálfir en sumir í skóginn svo að þeim hélt við meiðingar. Þeir töpuðu af sér vopnunum.

Þá mælti Ósvífur: „Ef eg fyndi hesta mína og vopn þá mundi eg aftur hverfa.“

Og er hann hafði þetta mælt þá sáu þeir nokkuð og fundu hesta sína og vopn. Þá eggjuðu enn margir á að við skyldi leita um atreiðina og var það gjört og urðu þeim þegar hin sömu undur. Og fór svo þrem sinnum.

Þá mælti Ósvífur: „Þótt förin sé eigi góð þá skal þó nú aftur hverfa. Nú skulum vér gera ráð vort í annað sinn og hefi eg það helst í hug mér að fara og finna Höskuld og beiða hann sonarbóta því að þar er sæmdar von er nóg er til.“

Þaðan riðu þeir til Breiðafjarðardala og er nú ekki fyrr frá að segja en þeir koma á Höskuldsstaði. Þar var þá fyrir Hrútur. Ósvífur kvaddi út Höskuld og Hrút. Þeir gengu út báðir og heilsuðu Ósvífri en síðan gengu þeir á tal. Höskuldur spurði Ósvífur hvaðan hann kæmi að. Hann kveðst hafa farið að leita Þjóstólfs og fundið hann eigi.

Höskuldur segir hann kominn mundu norður á Svanshól „og er það eigi allra að sækja hann þangað.“

„Því er eg hér kominn,“ sagði Ósvífur, „að eg vil beiða þig sonarbóta.“

Höskuldur svaraði: „Eigi drap eg son þinn og eigi réð eg honum banaráð en þó heldur þig vorkunn til að leita á nokkur.“

Hrútur mælti: „Náið er, bróðir, nef augum. Og er nauðsyn að drepa niður illu orði og bæta honum son sinn og rífka svo ráð fyrir dóttur þinni því að sá einn er til er þetta falli niður því að þá er betur að fátt sé um talað.“

Höskuldur mælti: „Vilt þú gera um málið?“

„Það vil eg,“ segir Hrútur, „og mun eg ekki hlífa þér í gjörðinni því ef satt skal um tala þá hefir dóttir þín ráðið honum banann.“

Hrútur þagði þá nokkra stund. Síðan stóð hann upp og mælti til Ósvífurs: „Tak nú í hönd mér og handsala niðurfall að sökum.“

Ósvífur stóð upp og mælti: „Eigi er það jafnsætti að bróðir hans gjöri um. En þó hefir þú svo vel til lagt að eg trúi þér vel að gera um málin.“

Síðan stóð hann upp og tók í hönd Höskuldi og sættust þeir<ref>''' tók í hönd Höskuldi og sættust þeir ''': “This case provides in Hrut an example of a person who plays a number of roles in the processing of a dispute, all with great intelligence and skill. He serves as an advisor and supporter to his brother, a mediator, and ultimately an arbitrator.” [[Miller, William Ian. Avoiding Legal Judgment]] (s. 120). </ref> svo á málið að Hrútur skyldi gera og lúka upp gerðinni áður Ósvífur færi braut.

Síðan gerði Hrútur og mælti: „Fyrir víg Þorvalds geri eg tvö hundruð silfurs“ – það þótti þá góð manngjöld – „og skal gjalda þegar, bróðir, og leysa vel af hendi.“

Höskuldur gerði svo. Þá mælti Hrútur til Ósvífurs: „Eg vil gefa þér skikkju góða er eg hafði út.“

Hann þakkaði honum gjöfina og undi nú vel við þar sem komið var og fór heim.

Þeir Hrútur og Höskuldur komu þangað til fjárskiptis og urðu þeir Ósvífur á það vel sáttir og fóru heim með féið og er Ósvífur úr sögunni.

Hallgerður bað Höskuld að hún færi heim þangað og veitti hann henni það og var lengi margtalað um víg Þorvalds. Fé Hallgerðar gekk fram og gerðist mikið.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Miller, William Ian. Avoiding Legal Judgment

2019-06-05T15:33:56Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Miller, William Ian
* '''Title''': Avoiding Legal Judgment: The Submission of Disputes to Arbitration in Medieval Iceland
* '''Published in''': ''The American Journal of Legal History'' 28.2
* '''Year''': 1984
* '''Pages''': 95-134
* '''E-text''': [http://www.jstor.org/stable/845219 jstor.org]
* '''Reference''': Miller, William Ian. "Avoiding Legal Judgment: The Submission of Disputes to Arbitration in Medieval Iceland." ''The American Journal of Legal History'' 28.2 (1984): 95-134.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
Examining three case-histories about murder disputes in the medieval kin-based Icelandic society, the author focuses on arbitrated settlements ("sætt", agreement), showing that this mechanism was often preferred to legal judgments, as most of them didn’t lead to clear outcomes and consequences. The author points out the importance of the pacemaker figures in pressing the parties to a reconciliation, obtaining for the litigants (and often for the arbitrators) short term advantages, such as reinforcing friendships and alliances or just a compensation payment, as shown by the analysis of the three cases and the complex decision-making process. The author’s opinion is that the arbitrated settlements, even if they didn't led to stable peace, were an affirmation of the peacemaking ideology of Icelandic society.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==

==References==
[[Njála,_012| Chapter 12]]: ''' „ tók í hönd Höskuldi og sættust þeir ''': “This case provides in Hrut an example of a person who plays a number of roles in the processing of a dispute, all with great intelligence and skill. He serves as an advisor and supporter to his brother, a mediator, and ultimately an arbitrator.” (p. 120)

[[Njála,_040| Chapter 40]]: ''' „ Njáll bauð honum þegar sættina ''': “The negotiations between Njal and Gunnar are not complicated. As Njal notes, the two have already agreed to maintain their good relations, agreeing to agree, so to speak; they have a history of settling quickly for the deaths of their servants, and of using the same procedure to arrive at the settlement.” (p. 116)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Claudia Held
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 040

2019-06-05T15:31:24Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 40==

Now these tidings come to the Thing, and Njal made them tell him the tale thrice, and then he said, "More men now become man- slayers than I weened."

Skarphedinn spoke, "That man, though, must have been twice fey," he says, "who lost his life by our foster-father's hand, who has never seen man's blood. And many would think that we brothers would sooner have done this deed with the turn of temper that we have."

"Scant space wilt thou have," says Njal, "ere the like befalls thee; but need will drive thee to it."

Then they went to meet Gunnar, and told him of the slaying. Gunnar spoke and said that was little man-scathe, "but yet he was a free man."

Njal offered to make peace at once,<ref>''' Njal offered to make peace at once ''': “The negotiations between Njal and Gunnar are not complicated. As Njal notes, the two have already agreed to maintain their good relations, agreeing to agree, so to speak; they have a history of settling quickly for the deaths of their servants, and of using the same procedure to arrive at the settlement.” [[Miller, William Ian. Avoiding Legal Judgment]] (p. 116). </ref> and Gunnar said yes, and he was to settle the terms himself. He made his award there and then, and laid it at one hundred in silver. <ref>'''hundred in silver''': "Ugyan a következő áldozat, Atli gyilkosa, Brynjólf rokona volt Hallgerdnek, Gunnar mégis csupán 100 ezüstöt kért érte." [[Gyönki, Viktória. Váltságfizetés a 10-11. századi Izlandon két nemzetségi sagában]] (p.29) </ref> Njal paid down the money on the spot, and they were at peace after that.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 40==

Nú koma tíðindin til þings og lét Njáll segja sér þrem sinnum og mælti síðan: „Fleiri gerast nú vígamenn en eg ætlaði.“

Skarphéðinn mælti: „Sjá maður hefir þó helst verið feigur,“ segir hann, „er látist hefir fyrir fóstra vorum er aldrei hefir séð mannsblóð og mundu það margir ætla að vér bræður mundum þetta fyrri gert hafa að því skapferli sem vér höfum.“

„Skammt munt þú til þess eiga,“ segir Njáll, „að þig mun slíkt henda. Mun þig þó nauður til reka.“

Þeir gengu þá til móts við Gunnar og sögðu honum vígið.

Gunnar mælti og sagði að það var lítill mannskaði „en þó var hann frjáls maður.“

Njáll bauð honum þegar sættina.<ref>''' Njáll bauð honum þegar sættina ''': “The negotiations between Njal and Gunnar are not complicated. As Njal notes, the two have already agreed to maintain their good relations, agreeing to agree, so to speak; they have a history of settling quickly for the deaths of their servants, and of using the same procedure to arrive at the settlement.” [[Miller, William Ian. Avoiding Legal Judgment]] (s. 116). </ref> Gunnar játti því og skyldi hann sjálfur dæma. Hann dæmdi þegar og gerði hundrað silfurs. <ref>'''hundrað silfurs''': "Ugyan a következő áldozat, Atli gyilkosa, Brynjólf rokona volt Hallgerdnek, Gunnar mégis csupán 100 ezüstöt kért érte." [[Gyönki, Viktória. Váltságfizetés a 10-11. századi Izlandon két nemzetségi sagában]] (p.29) </ref> Njáll galt þegar féið og voru þeir sáttir eftir það.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Miller, William Ian. Avoiding Legal Judgment

2019-06-05T15:29:40Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Miller, William Ian
* '''Title''': Avoiding Legal Judgment: The Submission of Disputes to Arbitration in Medieval Iceland
* '''Published in''': ''The American Journal of Legal History'' 28.2
* '''Year''': 1984
* '''Pages''': 95-134
* '''E-text''': [http://www.jstor.org/stable/845219 jstor.org]
* '''Reference''': Miller, William Ian. "Avoiding Legal Judgment: The Submission of Disputes to Arbitration in Medieval Iceland." ''The American Journal of Legal History'' 28.2 (1984): 95-134.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
Examining three case-histories about murder disputes in the medieval kin-based Icelandic society, the author focuses on arbitrated settlements ("sætt", agreement), showing that this mechanism was often preferred to legal judgments, as most of them didn’t lead to clear outcomes and consequences. The author points out the importance of the pacemaker figures in pressing the parties to a reconciliation, obtaining for the litigants (and often for the arbitrators) short term advantages, such as reinforcing friendships and alliances or just a compensation payment, as shown by the analysis of the three cases and the complex decision-making process. The author’s opinion is that the arbitrated settlements, even if they didn't led to stable peace, were an affirmation of the peacemaking ideology of Icelandic society.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==

==References==
[[Njála,_040| Chapter 40]]: ''' „ Njáll bauð honum þegar sættina ''': “The negotiations between Njal and Gunnar are not complicated. As Njal notes, the two have already agreed to maintain their good relations, agreeing to agree, so to speak; they have a history of settling quickly for the deaths of their servants, and of using the same procedure to arrive at the settlement.” (p. 116)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Claudia Held
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 157

2019-06-05T15:26:09Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 157==

'''BRIAN'S BATTLE.'''

Earl Sigurd Hlodver's son busked him from the Orkneys, and Flosi offered to go with him.

The earl would not have that, since he had his pilgrimage to fulfil.

Flosi offered fifteen men of his band to go on the voyage, and the earl accepted them, but Flosi fared with Earl Gilli to the Southern isles.

Thorstein, the son of Hall of the Side, went along with Earl Sigurd, and Hrafn the Red, and Erling of Straumey.

He would not that Hareck should go, but said he would be sure to be the first to tell him the tidings of his voyage.

The earl came with all his host on Palm Sunday to Dublin, and there too was come Brodir with all his host.

Brodir tried by sorcery how the fight would go, but the answer ran thus, that if the fight were on Good-Friday King Brian would fall but win the day; but if they fought before, they would all fall who were against him.

Then Brodir said that they must not fight before the Friday.

On the fifth day of the week a man rode up to Kormlada and her company on an apple-grey horse, and in his hand he held a halberd; he talked long with them.

King Brian<ref>'''King Brian''': "Further, it is not true that no saga contains any Irish story or any Irish hero. ''Kjalnesinga saga'' contains a garbled version of the Irish story of Cúchukain's killing of his son … And, of course, there is the account of the battle of Clontarf at the end of ''Njáls saga''." [[Robinson, Peter. Vikings and Celts]] (p. 128).</ref> came with all his host to the Burg, and on the Friday the host fared out of the Burg, and both armies were drawn up in array.

Brodir was on one wing of the battle, but King Sigtrygg on the other.

Earl Sigurd was in the mid battle.

Now it must be told of King Brian that he would not fight on the fast-day,<ref>''' Now it must be told of King Brian that he would not fight on the fast-day ''': “the idea is conveyed that military maneuvers during Holy Week would be to the disadvantage of the Irish army.” [[Ryan, John. The Battle of Clontarf]] (p. 16). </ref> and so a shieldburg (1) was thrown round him, and his host was drawn up in array in front of it.

Wolf the Quarrelsome was on that wing of the battle against which Brodir stood; but on the other wing, where Sigtrygg stood against them, were Ospak and his sons.

But in mid battle was Kerthialfad, and before him the banners were home.

Now the wings fall on one another, and there was a very hard fight. Brodir went through the host of the foe, and felled all the foremost that stood there, but no steel would bite on his mail.

Wolf the Quarrelsome turned then to meet him, and thrust at him thrice so hard that Brodir fell before him at each thrust, and was well-nigh not getting on his feet again; but as soon as ever he found his feet, he fled away into the wood at once.

Earl Sigurd had a hard battle against Kerthialfad, and Kerthialfad came on so fast that he laid low all who were in the front rank, and he broke the array of Earl Sigurd right up to his banner, and slew the banner-bearer.

Then he got another man to bear the banner, and there was again a hard fight.

Kerthialfad smote this man too his death blow at once, and so on one after the other all who stood near him.

Then Earl Sigurd called on Thorstein the son of Hall of the Side, to bear the banner, and Thorstein was just about to lift the banner, but then Asmund the White said, "Don't bear the banner! For all they who bear it get their death."

"Hrafn the Red!" called out Earl Sigurd, "bear thou the banner."

"Bear thine own devil thyself," answered Hrafn.

Then the earl said, "'Tis fittest that the beggar should bear the bag;'" and with that he took the banner from the staff and put it under his cloak.

A little after Asmund the White was slain, and then the earl was pierced through with a spear.

Ospak had gone through all the battle on his wing, he had been sore wounded, and lost both his sons ere King Sigtrygg fled before him.

Then flight broke out throughout all the host.

Thorstein Hall of the Side's son stood still while all the others fled, and tied his shoe-string. Then Kerthialfad asked why he ran not as the others.

"Because," said Thorstein, "I can't get home to-night, since I am at home out in Iceland."

Kerthialfad gave him peace.

Hrafn the Red was chased out into a certain river; he thought he saw there the pains of hell down below him, and he thought the devils wanted to drag him to them.

Then Hrafn said, "Thy dog (2), Apostle Peter! hath run twice to Rome, and he would run the third time if thou gavest him leave."

Then the devils let him loose, and Hrafn got across the river.

Now Brodir saw that King Brian's men were chasing the fleers, and that there were few men by the shieldburg.

Then he rushed out of the wood, and broke through the shieldburg, and hewed at the king.

The lad Takt threw his arm in the way, and the stroke took it off and the king's head too, but the king's blood came on the lad's stump, and the stump was healed by it on the spot.

Then Brodir called out with a loud voice, "Now let man tell man that Brodir felled Brian."

Then men ran after those who were chasing the fleers, and they were told that King Brian had fallen, and then they turned back straightway, both Wolf the Quarrelsome and Kerthialfad.

Then they threw a ring round Brodir and his men, and threw branches of trees upon them, and so Brodir was taken alive.

Wolf the Quarrelsome cut open his belly, and led him round and round the trunk of a tree, and so wound all his entrails out of him, and he did not die before they were all drawn out of him.

Brodir's men were slain to a man.

After that they took King Brian's body and laid it out. The king's head had grown fast to the trunk.

Fifteen men of the burners fell in Brian's battle, and there, too, fell Halldor the son of Gudmund the Powerful, and Erling of Straumey.

On Good-Friday that event happened in Caithness that a man whose name was Daurrud went out. He saw folk riding twelve together to a bower, and there they were all lost to his sight. He went to that bower and looked in through a window slit that was in it, and saw that there were women inside, and they had set up a loom. Men's heads were the weights, but men's entrails were the warp and weft, a sword was the shuttle, and the reels were arrows.

They sang these songs,<ref>'''They sang these songs''': "Pursuing the air/wind/breath concept, it has been suggested that work songs, perhaps not unlike ''Darraðarlióð'' from ''Njáls saga'' (ch. 157) …, were sung to help those engaged in textile processes rhythmically focus on work. In my opinion, the dual focus and motivational support of work songs is not certain, but certainly likely among the Norse and especially in the quiet, indoor setting of women’s textile work. Wind and air play important roles in various drying processes but perhaps also song and the breath that carries it has the potential to find its way — quite literally — into textile processes and a special place in the cosmological world view." [[Roy, Carrie. Practical Fastenings Of The Supernatural]] (p. 202). </ref> and he learnt them by heart:

THE WOOF OF WAR.

"See! warp is stretched
For warriors' fall,
Lo! weft in loom
'Tis wet with blood;
Now fight foreboding,
'Neath friends' swift fingers,
Our grey woof waxeth
With war's alarms,
Our warp bloodred,
Our weft corseblue.

"This woof is y-woven
With entrails of men,
This warp is hardweighted
With heads of the slain,
Spears blood-besprinkled
For spindles we use,
Our loom ironbound,
And arrows our reels;
With swords for our shuttles
This war-woof we work;
So weave we, weird sisters,
Our warwinning woof.<ref>''' So weave we, weird sisters/Our warwinning woof ''': " Darraðarljóð, dated to the beginning of the tenth century […], constitutes a part of Njáls saga (ch. 157) and describes a scene in which twelve valkyrjur weave a fabric of battle and thus shape human fate according to their will. We might assume that this act influenced the result of the battle with which it was associated." [[Gardela, Leszek. Into Viking Minds]] (p. 69)</ref>

"Now Warwinner walketh
To weave in her turn,
Now Swordswinger steppeth,
Now Swiftstroke, now Storm;
When they speed the shuttle
How spearheads shall flash!
Shields crash, and helmgnawer (3)
On harness bite hard!

"Wind we, wind swiftly
Our warwinning woof
Woof erst for king youthful
Foredoomed as his own,
Forth now we will ride,
Then through the ranks rushing
Be busy where friends
Blows blithe give and take.

"Wind we, wind swiftly
Our warwinning woof,
After that let us steadfastly
Stand by the brave king;
Then men shall mark mournful
Their shields red with gore,
How Swordstroke and Spearthrust
Stood stout by the prince.

"Wind we, wind swiftly
Our warwinning woof.
When sword-bearing rovers
To banners rush on,
Mind, maidens, we spare not
One life in the fray!
We corse-choosing sisters
Have charge of the slain.

"Now new-coming nations
That island shall rule,
Who on outlying headlands
Abode ere the fight;
I say that King mighty
To death now is done,
Now low before spearpoint
That Earl bows his head.

"Soon over all Ersemen
Sharp sorrow shall fall,
That woe to those warriors
Shall wane nevermore;
Our woof now is woven.
Now battlefield waste,
O'er land and o'er water
War tidings shall leap.

"Now surely 'tis gruesome
To gaze all around.
When bloodred through heaven
Drives cloudrack o'er head;
Air soon shall be deep hued
With dying men's blood
When this our spaedom
Comes speedy to pass.

"So cheerily chant we
Charms for the young king,
Come maidens lift loudly
His warwinning lay;
Let him who now listens
Learn well with his ears
And gladden brave swordsmen
With bursts of war's song.

"Now mount we our horses,
Now bare we our brands,
Now haste we hard, maidens,
Hence far, far, away."

Then they plucked down the Woof and tore it asunder, and each kept what she had hold of.

Now Daurrud goes away from the Slit, and home; but they got on their steeds and rode six to the south, and the other six to the north.<ref> '''the other six to the north''': "The vision of the ''Njáls Saga'', embodying, no doubt, eleventh century material, has skilfully fused the Irish vision tale of the Morrigan and her weird sisters with features of Scandinavian belief in the Norns and added the Teutonic, perhaps even christian, conception of the demons rushing to a scene of disaster and overheard by a mortal." [[Krappe, Alexander H.. The Valkyrie Episode in the Njals Saga]] (p. 474). </ref>

A like event befell Brand Gneisti's son in the Faroe Isles.

At Swinefell, in Iceland, blood came on the priest's stole on Good-Friday, so that he had to put it off.

At Thvattwater the priest thought he saw on Good-Friday a long deep of the sea hard by the altar, and there he saw many awful sights, and it was long ere he could sing the prayers.

This event happened in the Orkneys, that Hareck thought he saw Earl Sigurd, and some men with him. Then Hareck took his horse and rode to meet the earl. Men saw that they met and rode under a brae, but they were never seen again, and not a scrap was ever found of Hareck.

Earl Gilli in the Southern isles dreamed that a man came to him and said his name was Hostfinn, and told him he was come from Ireland.

The earl thought he asked him for tidings thence, and then he sang this song:

"I have been where warriors wrestled,
High in Erin sang the sword,
Boss to boss met many bucklers,
Steel rung sharp on rattling helm;
I can tell of all their struggle;
Sigurd fell in flight of spears;
Brian fell, but kept his kingdom
Ere he lost one drop of blood."

Those two, Flosi and the earl, talked much of this dream. A week after, Hrafn the Red came thither, and told them all the tidings of Brian's battle, the fall of the king, and of Earl Sigurd, and Brodir, and all the Vikings.

"What," said Flosi, "hast thou to tell me of my men?

"They all fell there," says Hrafn, "but thy brother-in-law Thorstein took peace from Kerthialfad, and is now with him."

Flosi told the earl that he would now go away, "For we have our pilgrimage south to fulfil."

The earl bade him go as he wished, and gave him a ship and all else that he needed, and much silver.

Then they sailed to Wales, and stayed there a while.

ENDNOTES:

(1) "Shieldburg," that is, a ring of men holding their shields locked together.

(2) "Thy dog," etc. Meaning that he would go a third time on a pilgrimage to Rome if St. Peter helped him out of this strait.

(3) "Helmgnawer," the sword that bites helmets.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 157==
Sigurður jarl Hlöðvisson bjóst af Orkneyjum. Flosi bauð að fara með honum. Jarl vildi það eigi þar sem hann átti suðurgöngu sína að leysa. Flosi bauð fimmtán menn af liði sínu til ferðarinnar en jarl þekktist það. En Flosi fór með Gilla jarli í Suðureyjar. Þorsteinn Síðu-Hallsson fór með Sigurði jarli, Hrafn hinn rauði, Erlingur af Straumey. Jarl vildi eigi að Hárekur færi en jarl lést mundu segja honum fyrstum tíðindin.

Jarlinn kom með allan her sinn að pálmadegi í Dyflin. Þá var og kominn Bróðir með allan her sinn. Bróðir reyndi til með forneskju hversu ganga mundi orustan. En svo gekk fréttin ef á föstudegi væri barist að Brían konungur mundi falla og hafa sigur en ef fyrr væri barist mundu þeir allir falla er í móti honum væru. Þá sagði Bróðir að eigi skyldi fyrr berjast en föstudaginn.

Þá reið maður að þeim Kormlöðu á apalgrám hesti og hafði í hendi pálstaf. Hann talaði lengi við þau.

Brían konungur<ref>'''Brían konungur''': "Further, it is not true that no saga contains any Irish story or any Irish hero. ''Kjalnesinga saga'' contains a garbled version of the Irish story of Cúchukain's killing of his son … And, of course, there is the account of the battle of Clontarf at the end of ''Njáls saga''." [[Robinson, Peter. Vikings and Celts]] (s. 128).</ref> kom með allan her sinn til borgarinnar. Föstudaginn fór út herinn af borginni og var fylkt liðinu hvorutveggja. Bróðir var í annan fylkingararminn en Sigtryggur konungur í annan. Sigurður jarl var í miðju liðinu.

Nú er að segja frá Bríani konungi að hann vildi eigi berjast föstudaginn<ref>''' Nú er að segja frá Bríani konungi að hann vildi eigi berjast föstudaginn ''': “the idea is conveyed that military maneuvers during Holy Week would be to the disadvantage of the Irish army.” [[Ryan, John. The Battle of Clontarf]] (s. 16). </ref> og var skotið um hann skjaldborg og fylkt þar liðinu fyrir framan. Úlfur hræða var í þann fylkingararminn sem Bróðir var til móts en í annan fylkingararm var Óspakur og synir konungs en í miðri fylkingunni var Kerþjálfaður og voru fyrir honum borin merkin.

Fallast nú að fylkingarnar. Var þar orusta allhörð. Gekk Bróðir í gegnum lið þeirra og felldi þá alla er fremstir stóðu en hann bitu ekki járn. Úlfur hræða sneri þá í móti honum og lagði til hans þrisvar sinnum svo fast að Bróðir féll fyrir í hvert sinn og var við sjálft að hann mundi eigi á fætur komast. En þegar hann fékk upp staðið þá flýði hann og þegar í skóginn undan.

Sigurður jarl átti harðan bardaga við Kerþjálfað. Kerþjálfaður gekk svo fast fram að hann felldi þá alla er fremstir voru. Rauf hann þá fylkinguna Sigurðar jarls allt að merkjum og drap merkismanninn. Fékk hann þá til annan mann að bera merkið. Varð þá enn orusta hörð. Kerþjálfaður hjó þenna þegar banahögg og hvern að öðrum þá er í nánd voru. Sigurður jarl kvaddi þá til Þorstein Síðu-Hallsson að bera merkið. Þorsteinn ætlaði upp að taka merkið.

Þá mælti Ámundi hvíti: „Berðu eigi merkið því að þeir eru allir drepnir er það bera.“

„Hrafn hinn rauði,“ sagði jarl, „berðu merkið.“

Hrafn svaraði: „Berðu sjálfur fjanda þinn.“

Jarl mælti: „Það mun vera maklegast að fari saman karl og kýll.“

Tók hann þá merkið af stönginni og kom í millum klæða sinna. Litlu síðar var veginn Ámundi hvíti. Þá var jarl og skotinn spjóti í gegnum.

Óspakur hafði gengið um allan fylkingararminn. Hann var orðinn sár mjög en látið sonu sína báða áður. Sigtryggur konungur flýði fyrir honum. Brast þá flótti í öllu liðinu.

Þorsteinn Síðu-Hallsson nam staðar þá er aðrir flýðu og batt skóþveng sinn. Þá spurði Kerþjálfaður hví hann rynni eigi.

„Því,“ sagði Þorsteinn, „að eg tek eigi heim í kveld þar sem eg á heima út á Íslandi.“

Kerþjálfaður gaf honum grið.

Hrafn hinn rauði var eltur út á á nokkura. Hann þóttist þar sjá helvítis kvalar í niðri og þótti honum djöflar vilja draga sig til.

Hrafn mælti þá: „Runnið hefir hundur þinn, Pétur postuli, til Róms tvisvar og mundi renna hið þriðja sinn ef þú leyfðir.“

Þá létu djöflar hann lausan og komst Hrafn yfir ána.

Bróðir sá nú að liðið Bríans konungs rak flóttann og var fátt manna hjá skjaldborginni. Hljóp hann þá úr skóginum og rauf alla skjaldborgina og hjó til konungsins. Sveinninn Taktur brá upp við hendinni og tók hana af honum og höfuðið af konunginum en blóðið konungsins kom á stúf sveininum og greri þegar fyrir stúfinn.

Bróðir kallaði þá hátt: „Kunni það maður manni að segja að Bróðir felldi Brían.“

Þá var runnið eftir þeim er flóttann ráku og sagt þeim fallið Bríans konungs. Sneru þeir þá aftur þegar Úlfur hræða og Kerþjálfaður. Slógu þeir þá hring um þá Bróður og felldu að þeim viðu. Var þá Bróðir höndum tekinn. Úlfur hræða reist á honum kviðinn og leiddi hann um eik og rakti svo úr honum þarmana og dó hann eigi fyrr en allir voru úr honum raktir. Menn Bróður voru allir drepnir. Síðan tóku þeir lík Bríans konungs og bjuggu um. Höfuð konungsins var gróið við bolinn. Fimmtán menn af brennumönnum féllu í Bríansorustu. Þar féll og Halldór son Guðmundar hins ríka og Erlingur af Straumey.

Föstudaginn langa varð sá atburður á Katanesi að maður sá er Dörruður hét gekk út. Hann sá að menn riðu tólf saman til dyngju einnar og hurfu þar allir. Hann gekk til dyngjunnar. Hann sá í glugg er á var og sá að þar voru konur inni og höfðu færðan upp vef. Mannahöfuð voru fyrir kljána en þarmar úr mönnum fyrir viftu og garn, sverð var fyrir skeið en ör fyrir hræl.

Þær kváðu vísur þessar:<ref>'''Þær kváðu vísur þessar''': "Pursuing the air/wind/breath concept, it has been suggested that work songs, perhaps not unlike ''Darraðarlióð'' from ''Njáls saga'' (ch. 157) …, were sung to help those engaged in textile processes rhythmically focus on work. In my opinion, the dual focus and motivational support of work songs is not certain, but certainly likely among the Norse and especially in the quiet, indoor setting of women’s textile work. Wind and air play important roles in various drying processes but perhaps also song and the breath that carries it has the potential to find its way — quite literally — into textile processes and a special place in the cosmological world view." [[Roy, Carrie. Practical Fastenings Of The Supernatural]] (s. 202). </ref>

1.Vítt er orpinn

fyrir valfalli

rifs reiði,

rignir blóði.

Nú er fyrir geirum

grár upp kominn

vefur verþjóðar

er þær vinur fylla

rauðum vefti

Randversk blá.

2.Sjá er orpinn vefur

ýta þörmum

og harðkljáður

höfðum manna.

Eru dreyrrekin

dörr að sköftum,

járnvarður ylli

en örum hrælar.

Skulum slá sverðum

sigurvef þenna.<ref>''' Skulum slá sverðum / sigurvef þenna ''': " Darraðarljóð, dated to the beginning of the tenth century […], constitutes a part of Njáls saga (ch. 157) and describes a scene in which twelve valkyrjur weave a fabric of battle and thus shape human fate according to their will. We might assume that this act influenced the result of the battle with which it was associated." [[Gardela, Leszek. Into Viking Minds]] (s. 69)</ref>

3.Gengur Hildur vefa

og Hjörþrimul,

Sanngríður, Svipul

sverðum rekna.

Skaft mun gnesta,

skjöldur mun bresta,

mun hjálmgagar

í hlíf koma.

4.Vindum, vindum

vef darraðar

og siklingi

síðan fylgjum.

Þar sjá bragnar

blóðgar randir

Gunnur og Göndul

þær er grami fylgdu.

5.Vindum, vindum

vef darraðar,

sá er ungur konungur

átti fyrri.

Fram skulum ganga

og í fólk vaða

þar er vinir vorir

vopnum skipta.

6.Vindum, vindum

vef darraðar

þar er vé vaða

vígra manna.

Látum eigi

líf hér sparast,

eiga valkyrjur

vals um kosti.

7.Þeir munu lýðir

löndum ráða

er útskaga

áður um byggðu.

Kveð eg ríkum gram

ráðinn dauða.

Nú er fyrir oddum

jarlmaður hniginn.

8.Og munu Írar

angur um bíða,

það er aldrei mun

ýtum fyrnast.

Nú er vefur ofinn,

en völlur roðinn,

munu um lönd fara

læspjöll gota.

9.Nú er ógurlegt

um að litast

er dreyrug ský

dregur með himni.

Mun loft litað

lýða blóði

er spár vorar

springa kunnu.

10. Vel kváðum vér

um konung ungan

sigurljóða fjöld.

Syngjum heilar,

en hinn nemi,

er heyrir á

geirhljóða fjöld

og gumum skemmti.

11. Ríðum hestum,

hart út berum

brugðnum sverðum

á brott héðan.

Rifu þær þá ofan vefinn og í sundur og hafði hver það er hélt á. Gekk Dörruður nú í braut frá glugginum og heim en þær stigu á hesta sína og riðu sex í suður en aðrar sex í norður.<ref> '''aðrar sex í norður''': "The vision of the ''Njáls Saga'', embodying, no doubt, eleventh century material, has skilfully fused the Irish vision tale of the Morrigan and her weird sisters with features of Scandinavian belief in the Norns and added the Teutonic, perhaps even christian, conception of the demons rushing to a scene of disaster and overheard by a mortal." [[Krappe, Alexander H.. The Valkyrie Episode in the Njals Saga]] (s. 474). </ref>

Slíkan atburð bar fyrir Brand í Færeyjum Gneistason.

Á Íslandi að Svínafelli kom blóð ofan á messuhökul prests föstudaginn langa svo að hann varð úr að fara.

Að Þvottá sýndist presti á föstudaginn langa sjávardjúp hjá altarinu og sá þar í ógnir margar og var það lengi að hann mátti eigi syngja tíðirnar.

Sá atburður varð í Orkneyjum að Hárekur þóttist sjá Sigurð jarl og nokkura menn með honum. Tók Hárekur þá hest sinn og reið til móts við jarl. Sáu menn það að þeir fundust og riðu undir leiti nokkurt en þeir sáust aldrei síðan og engi urmul fundust af Háreki.

Gilla jarl í Suðureyjum dreymdi það að maður kæmi að honum og nefndist Herfinnur og kvaðst kominn af Írlandi. Jarl þóttist spyrja þaðan tíðinda.

Hann kvað vísu þessa:

48. Var eg þar er bragnar börðust;

brandur gall á Írlandi.

Margur, þar er mættust törgur,

málmur gnast í dyn hjálma.

Svipun þeirra frá eg snarpa;

Sigurður féll í dyn vigra,

áður téði ben blæða.

Brían féll og hélt velli.

Þeir Flosi og jarl töluðu margt um draum þenna. Viku síðar kom þar Hrafn hinn rauði og sagði þeim tíðindin öll úr Bríansorustu, fall konungs og Sigurðar jarls og Bróður og allra víkinganna.

Flosi mælti: „Hvað segir þú mér til manna minna?“

„Þar féllu þeir allir,“ segir Hrafn, „en Þorsteinn mágur þinn þá grið af Kerþjálfaði og er nú með honum.“

Flosi segir jarli að hann mundi í braut fara, „eigum vér suðurgöngu af höndum að inna.“ Jarl bað hann fara sem hann vildi og fékk honum skip og það sem hann þurfti og í silfur mikið. Sigldu þeir þá til Bretlands og dvöldust þar um stund.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Ryan, John. The Battle of Clontarf

2019-06-05T15:24:21Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Ryan, John
* '''Title''': The Battle of Clontarf
* '''Published in''': ''The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland Seventh Series'' 8.1
* '''Year''': 1938
* '''Pages''': 1-50
* '''E-text''': [http://www.jstor.org/stable/25510093 jstor.org]
* '''Reference''': Ryan, John. "The Battle of Clontarf." ''The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland Seventh Series'' 8.1 (1938): 1-50.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
Ryan‘s article attempts to reconstruct the exact sequence of events leading up to, during, and immediately after, the Battle of Clontarf in 1014. Ryan also attempts to identify the historical individuals present at the battle. The article itself is a short monograph that relies on comparing the various sources on the battle. All the sources mentioned are Irish annals and chronicles, although brief mention is made on page 15 to the ''Saga of Burnt Njal'', as well as a reference on page 3 to the Annals of Loch Cé containing "rhetorical and romantic matter about visions, Christian and pagan“ which may indicate Norse influence. This article is rather old, but does provide an overview on a chapter of Irish history, which overlaps with the Icelandic Sagas.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==

==References==
[[Njála,_157| Chapter 157]]: ''' „ Nú er að segja frá Bríani konungi að hann vildi eigi berjast föstudaginn ''': “the idea is conveyed that military maneuvers during Holy Week would be to the disadvantage of the Irish army.” (p. 16)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Ryan Fenster
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Bolton, W. F.. The Njála narrator and the picture plane

2019-06-05T15:19:55Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Bolton, W. F.
* '''Title''': The ''Njála'' Narrator and the Picture Plane.
* '''Published in''': ''Scandinavian Studies'' 44.2
* '''Year''': 1972
* '''Pages''': 186-209
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Bolton, W. F. "The ''Njála'' Narrator and the Picture Plane." ''Scandinavian Studies'' 44.2 (1972): 186-209.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
Literary techniques used by the saga’s author are explored through Bolton‘s analogy of the picture plane—a painter’s ability to manipulate the perspective of his art through technique that simultaneously enables him to maintain the credibility of the work. She approaches two scenes in ''Njála''—the attack on Gunnar at Hlíðarendi and the attack on Njáll and his household at Bergþórshvoll as parallel scenes that feature clear intent to design and pattern. Exploring literary techniques involving both content and form, involving content only, and involving form only.
Bolton‘s analysis centers on historical distance and actual distance through figures of speech. Distinguishing between true knowledge and false inference with an emphasis on the audience of the saga and the audience in the saga, and the distinction between prose and verse through speakers on opposing sides and their grammatical categories. The 13th century narrator attempts to present a historical explanation of where the narrator‘s contemporary audience currently is—Icelanders who recently abdicated their independence to the Norwegian crown—and why they got there. Through literary techniques, the narrator validates his abhorrence to the political system of feudal violence and delivers its consequences: loss of independence.

==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==

==References==
q/m
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Bobby Erickson
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Bolton, W. F.. The Njála narrator and the picture plane

2019-06-05T15:15:43Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Bolton, W. F.
* '''Title''': The ''Njála'' Narrator and the Picture Plane.
* '''Published in''': ''Scandinavian Studies'' 44.2
* '''Year''': 1972
* '''Pages''': 186-209
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Bolton, W. F. "The ''Njála'' Narrator and the Picture Plane." ''Scandinavian Studies'' 44.2 (1972): 186-209.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
Literary techniques used by the saga’s author are explored through Bolton‘s analogy of the picture plane—a painter’s ability to manipulate the perspective of his art through technique that simultaneously enables him to maintain the credibility of the work. She approaches two scenes in ''Njála''—the attack on Gunnar at Hlíðarendi and the attack on Njáll and his household at Bergþórshvoll as parallel scenes that feature clear intent to design and pattern. Exploring literary techniques involving both content and form, involving content only, and involving form only.
Bolton‘s analysis centers on historical distance and actual distance through figures of speech. Distinguishing between true knowledge and false inference with an emphasis on the audience of the saga and the audience in the saga, and the distinction between prose and verse through speakers on opposing sides and their grammatical categories. The 13th century narrator attempts to present a historical explanation of where the narrator‘s contemporary audience currently is—Icelanders who recently abdicated their independence to the Norwegian crown—and why they got there. Through literary techniques, the narrator validates his abhorrence to the political system of feudal violence and delivers its consequences: loss of independence.

==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==

==References==
[[Njála,_076| Chapter 76]]: ''' „ Lif mitt liggi við ''': “The saga writer introduces enough echoes of phrase between the two sides in each case to bring about an effect […] where similarity of diction extends “unrealistically” over the gap in space.” (p. 200)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Bobby Erickson
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Einar Ól. Sveinsson. Um handrit Njálssögu

2019-06-05T14:41:58Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Einar Ól. Sveinsson
* '''Title''': Um handrit Njálssögu
* '''Published in''': ''Skírnir'' 126
* '''Year''': 1952
* '''Pages''': 114-152
* '''E-text''': [http://timarit.is/view_page_init.jsp?gegnirId=000515738 Timarit.is]
* '''Reference''': Einar Ól. Sveinsson. "Um handrit Njálssögu." ''Skírnir'' 126 (1952): 114-152.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In this article, Einar Ólafur Sveinsson examines the manuscripts containing ''Njáls saga''. As the assumed archetype—which he dates to around 1280—is lost and the text only preserved in copies and copies of copies, the author raises the question, if and to what extent it would be possible to reconstruct the original text. He argues that this original text, as it was pre-sumably composed by the author of the saga, is still visible in the transmitted copies but needs to be extracted and separated from later interpolations through the methods of textual criticism. Based on these presumptions, the author presents all the known manuscripts at the time (1952) containing N''jáls Saga'', discusses them regarding their origin and textual value and compares the different redactions.
==Lýsing==
Í greininni fjallar Einar Ólafur Sveinsson um handrit sem innihalda ''Njáls sögu''. Úr því að frumtextinn, sem er líklega frá um 1280 er glataður og einungis varðveittur í afritum, veltir höfundurinn því fyrir sér hvort hægt sé að endurgera frumtextann og fræðilegar forsendur þess. Hann heldur því fram að upprunalegi textinn eins og höfundur ''Njálu'' skildi hann sé til í varðveittum handritunum en til að finna hann sé nauðsynlegt að aðskilja hann frá yngri innskotum með hjálp textarýni. Í framhaldi af því skoðar Einar Ólafur öll þekkt handrit ''Njáls sögu'' þess tíma, 1952. Hann ber saman handritin og fjalla um tengsl þeirra við upprunalegu sögunna og textagildi þeirra.

==See also==

==References==
n/a
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Tim Lüthi
* ''Icelandic translation:'' Tim Lüthi/Andri M. Kristjánsson

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Einar Ól. Sveinsson. Um handrit Njálssögu

2019-06-05T14:41:43Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Einar Ól. Sveinsson
* '''Title''': Um handrit Njálssögu
* '''Published in''': ''Skírnir'' 126
* '''Year''': 1952
* '''Pages''': 114-152
* '''E-text''': [http://timarit.is/view_page_init.jsp?gegnirId=000515738 Timarit.is]
* '''Reference''': Einar Ól. Sveinsson. "Um handrit Njálssögu." ''Skírnir'' 126 (1952): 114-152.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In this article, Einar Ólafur Sveinsson examines the manuscripts containing ''Njáls saga''. As the assumed archetype—which he dates to around 1280—is lost and the text only preserved in copies and copies of copies, the author raises the question, if and to what extent it would be possible to reconstruct the original text. He argues that this original text, as it was pre-sumably composed by the author of the saga, is still visible in the transmitted copies but needs to be extracted and separated from later interpolations through the methods of textual criticism. Based on these presumptions, the author presents all the known manuscripts at the time (1952) containing N''jáls Saga'', discusses them regarding their origin and textual value and compares the different redactions.
==Lýsing==
Í greininni fjallar Einar Ólafur Sveinsson um handrit sem innihalda ''Njáls sögu''. Úr því að frumtextinn, sem er líklega frá um 1280 er glataður og einungis varðveittur í afritum, veltir höfundurinn því fyrir sér hvort hægt sé að endurgera frumtextann og fræðilegar forsendur þess. Hann heldur því fram að upprunalegi textinn eins og höfundur ''Njálu'' skildi hann sé til í varðveittum handritunum en til að finna hann sé nauðsynlegt að aðskilja hann frá yngri innskotum með hjálp textarýni. Í framhaldi af því skoðar Einar Ólafur öll þekkt handrit ''Njáls sögu'' þess tíma, 1952. Hann ber saman handritin og fjalla um tengsl þeirra við upprunalegu sögunna og textagildi þeirra.

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Tim Lüthi
* ''Icelandic translation:'' Tim Lüthi/Andri M. Kristjánsson

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Einar Ól. Sveinsson. Um handrit Njálssögu

2019-06-05T14:40:35Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Einar Ól. Sveinsson
* '''Title''': Um handrit Njálssögu
* '''Published in''': ''Skírnir'' 126
* '''Year''': 1952
* '''Pages''': 114-152
* '''E-text''': [http://timarit.is/view_page_init.jsp?gegnirId=000515738 Timarit.is]
* '''Reference''': Einar Ól. Sveinsson. "Um handrit Njálssögu." ''Skírnir'' 126 (1952): 114-152.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In this article, Einar Ólafur Sveinsson examines the manuscripts containing ''Njáls saga''. As the assumed archetype—which he dates to around 1280—is lost and the text only preserved in copies and copies of copies, the author raises the question, if and to what extent it would be possible to reconstruct the original text. He argues that this original text, as it was pre-sumably composed by the author of the saga, is still visible in the transmitted copies but needs to be extracted and separated from later interpolations through the methods of textual criticism. Based on these presumptions, the author presents all the known manuscripts at the time (1952) containing N''jáls Saga'', discusses them regarding their origin and textual value and compares the different redactions.
==Lýsing==
Í greininni fjallar Einar Ólafur Sveinsson um handrit sem innihalda ''Njáls sögu''. Úr því að frumtextinn, sem er líklega frá um 1280 er glataður og einungis varðveittur í afritum, veltir höfundurinn því fyrir sér hvort hægt sé að endurgera frumtextann og fræðilegar forsendur þess. Hann heldur því fram að upprunalegi textinn eins og höfundur ''Njálu'' skildi hann sé til í varðveittum handritunum en til að finna hann sé nauðsynlegt að aðskilja hann frá yngri inn-skotum með hjálp textarýni. Í framhaldi af því skoðar Einar Ólafur öll þekkt handrit ''Njáls sögu'' þess tíma, 1952. Hann ber saman handritin og fjalla um tengsl þeirra við upprunalegu sögunna og textagildi þeirra.

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Tim Lüthi
* ''Icelandic translation:'' Tim Lüthi/Andri M. Kristjánsson

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Einar Ól. Sveinsson. Um handrit Njálssögu

2019-06-05T12:25:41Z

Andri:

Einar Ól. Sveinsson. Um handrit Njálssögu

2019-06-05T12:13:31Z

Andri:

Njála, 119

2019-06-05T12:07:51Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 119==

'''ASGRIM AND NJAL'S SONS PRAY MEN FOR HELP.'''

By that time Flosi had come to the Thing, and filled all his booths. Runolf filled the Dale-dwellers' booths, and Mord the booths of the men from Rangriver. Hall of the Side had long since come from the east, but scarce any of the other men; but still Hall of the Side had come with a great band, and joined this at once to Flosi's company, and begged him to take an atonement and to make peace.

Hall was a wise man and good-hearted. Flosi answered him well in everything, but gave way in nothing.

Hall asked what men had promised him help? Flosi named Mord Valgard's son, and said he had asked for his daughter at the hand of his kinsman Starkad.

Hall said she was a good match, but it was ill dealing with Mord, "And that thou wilt put to the proof ere this Thing be over."

After that they ceased talking.

One day Njal and Asgrim had a long talk in secret.

Then all at once Asgrim sprang up and said to Njal's sons, "We must set about seeking friends,<ref>''' We must set about seeking friends ''': “What is clearly literary in the scene is the compulsion that makes each person visited ask after ‘the man fifth in line.’ But that's all. It would be hasty to dismiss everything else as pure artifice. Requests of support from powerful people required some adherence to forms of protocol; we simply do not know enough to dismiss the precisely ordered line as something to make a good story. Skarphéðin's insults have a certain ritualized quality to them, but it cannot be certain that this is not a form of flyting that our sources suggest was very much a part of Norse lived experience.” [[Miller, William Ian. Making Sense of the Sources]] (p. 48). </ref> that we may not be overborne by force; for this suit will be followed up boldly."

Then Asgrim went out, and Helgi Njal's son next; then Kari Solmund's son; then Grim Njal's son; then Skarphedinn; then Thorhall; then Thorgrim the Big; then Thorleif Crow.

They went to the booth of Gizur the White and inside it. Gizur stood up to meet them, and bade them sit down and drink.

"Not thitherward," says Asgrim, "tends our way, and we will speak our errand out loud, and not mutter and mouth about it. What help shall I have from thee, as thou art my kinsman?"

"Jorunn, my sister," said Gizur, "would wish that I should not shrink from standing by thee; and so it shall be now and hereafter, that we will both of us have the same fate."

Asgrim thanked him, and went away afterwards.

Then Skarphedinn asked, "Whither shall we go now?"

"To the booths of the men of Olfus," says Asgrim.

So they went thither, and Asgrim asked whether Skapti Thorod's son were in the booth? He was told that he was. Then they went inside the booth.

Skapti sate on the cross-bench, and greeted Asgrim, and he took the greeting well.

Skapti offered Asgrim a seat by his side, but Asgrim said he should only stay there a little while, "But still we have an errand to thee."

"Let me hear it?" says Skapti.

"I wish to beg thee for thy help, that thou wilt stand by us in our suit."

"One thing I had hoped," says Skapti, "and that is, that neither you nor your troubles would ever come into my dwelling."

"Such things are ill-spoken," says Asgrim, "when a man is the last to help others, when most lies on his aid."

"Who is yon man," says Skapti, "before whom four men walk, a big burly man, and pale-faced, unlucky-looking, well-knit, and troll-like?"<ref>''' a big burly man, and pale-faced, unlucky-looking, well-knit, and troll-like?''': "This episode is of special interest in relationship to the death drive. It is a series of five scenes which are all structured in the same way and all repeat with variations the identification of Skarphéðinn […] it is the repetition that makes them remarkable as well as the fearsome and uncanny behaviour of Skarphéðinn. This eeriness is suggested to the reader in several ways, among others in the way the four successive chieftains describe him. […] During this episode, there is something out of the ordinary to Skarphéðinn that awakens a sense of unease in those who meet him, as if death itself were among them." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Ærið gott gömlum og feigum]] (p. 953).</ref>

"My name is Skarphedinn," he answers, "and thou hast often seen me at the Thing; but in this I am wiser than you, that I have no need to ask what thy name is. Thy name is Skapti Thorod's son, but before thou calledst thyself 'Bristlepoll,' after thou hadst slain Kettle of Elda; then thou shavedst thy poll, and puttedst pitch on thy head, and then thou hiredst thralls to cut up a sod of turf, and thou creptest underneath it to spend the night. After that thou wentest to Thorolf Lopt's son of Eyrar, and he took thee on board, and bore thee out here in his meal sacks."

After that Asgrim and his band went out, and Skarphedinn asked, "Whither shall we go now?"

"To Snorri the Priest's booth," says Asgrim.

Then they went to Snorri's booth. There was a man outside before the booth, and Asgrim asked whether Snorri were in the booth.

The man said he was.

Asgrim went into the booth, and all the others. Snorri was sitting on the cross-bench, and Asgrim went and stood before him, and hailed him well.

Snorri took his greeting blithely, and bade him sit down.

Asgrim said he should be only a short time there, "But we have an errand with thee."

Snorri bade him tell it.

"I would," said Asgrim, "that thou wouldst come with me to the court, and stand by me with thy help, for thou art a wise man, and a great man of business."

"Suits fall heavy on us now," says Snorri the Priest, "and now many men push forward against us, and so we are slow to take up the troublesome suits of other men from other quarters."

"Thou mayest stand excused," says Asgrim "for thou art not in our debt for any service."

"I know," says Snorri, "that thou art a good man and true, and I will promise thee this, that I will not be against thee, and not yield help to thy foes."

Asgrim thanked him, and Snorri the Priest asked, "Who is that man before whom four go, pale-faced, and sharp-featured, and who shows his front teeth,<ref> '''shows his front teeth''': "One remarkable, special kind of laughter is the grin of the unfortunate, the man against whom fate regularly turns. This expression is personified in Skarpheðinn (...). Skarpheðinn laughs either through incomprehension of the misfortune awaiting him, or as a form of defence-defiance towards this bad luck. In the latter case, his laughter would resemble the famous tragic laughter of the sagas, the equivalent in a culture far removed in space and time of the sardonic laughter characteristic of the Phoenicians." [[Le Goff, Jacques. Laughter in Brennu-Njáls saga]] (p. 163). </ref> and has his axe aloft on his shoulder."

"My name is Hedinn," he says, "but some men call me Skarphedinn by my full name; but what more hast thou to say to me."

"This," said Snorri the Priest, "that methinks thou art a well- knit, ready-handed man, but yet I guess that the best part of thy good fortune is past, and I ween thou hast now not long to live."

"That is well," says Skarphedinn, "for that is a debt we all have to pay, but still it were more needful to avenge thy father than to foretell my fate in this way."

"Many have said that before," says Snorri, "and I will not be angry at such words."

After that they went out, and got no help there. Then they fared to the booths of the men of Skagafirth. There Hafr (1) the Wealthy had his booth. The mother of Hafr was named Thoruna, she was a daughter of Asbjorn Baldpate of Myrka, the son of Hrosbjorn.

Asgrim and his band went into the booth, and Hafr sate in the midst of it, and was talking to a man.

Asgrim went up to him, and bailed him well; he took it kindly, and bade him sit down.

"This I would ask of thee," said Asgrim, "that thou wouldst grant me and my sons-in-law help.

Hafr answered sharp and quick, and said he would have nothing to do with their troubles.

"But still I must ask who that pale-faced man is before whom four men go, so ill-looking, as though he had come out of the sea-crags."

"Never mind, milksop that thou art!" said Skarphedinn, "who I am, for I will dare to go forward wherever thou standest before me, and little would I fear though such striplings were in my path. 'Twere rather thy duty, too, to get back thy sister Swanlauga, whom Eydis Ironsword and his messmate Stediakoll took away out of thy house, but thou didst not dare to do aught against them."

"Let us go out," said Asgrim, "there is no hope of help here."

Then they went out to the booths of men of Modruvale, and asked whether Gudmund the Powerful were in the booth, but they were told he was.

Then they went into the booth. There was a high seat in the midst of it, and there sate Gudmund the Powerful.

Asgrim went and stood before him, and hailed him.

Gudmund took his greeting well, and asked him to sit down.

"I will not sit," said Asgrim, "but I wish to pray thee for help, for thou art a bold man and a mighty chief."

"I will not be against thee," said Gudmund, "but if I see fit to yield thee help, we may well talk of that afterwards," and so he treated them well and kindly in every way.

Asgrim thanked him for his words, and Gudmund said, "There is one man in your band at whom I have gazed for a while, and he seems to me more terrible than most men that I have seen."

"Which is he?" says Asgrim.

"Four go before him," says Gudmund; "dark brown is his hair, and pale is his face; tall of growth and sturdy. So quick and shifty in his manliness that I would rather have his following than that of ten other men; but yet the man is unlucky-looking."<ref>''' but yet the man is unlucky-looking ''': " and he [Skarphéðinn] starts taking part in the acts of vengeance that ultimately take him to Alþingi, where he is described as ógæfusamligr, ‚unlucky-looking‘. What is important here is that Skarphéðinn is not mentioned as ógæfusamligr until after the killing of his foster brother – after he has killed his own kin." [[Kanerva, K.T.. Ógofa as an Emotion in Thirteenth-Century Iceland]] (p. 6)</ref>

"I know," said Skarphedinn, "that thou speakest at me, but it does not go in the same way as to luck with me and thee. I have blame, indeed, from the slaying of Hauskuld, the Whiteness Priest, as is fair and right; but both Thorkel Foulmouth and Thorir Helgi's son spread abroad bad stories about thee, and that has tried thy temper very much.

Then they went out, and Skarphedinn said, "Whither shall we go now?"

"To the booths of the men of Lightwater," said Asgrim.

There Thorkel Foulmouth (2) had set up his booth.

Thorkel Foulmouth had been abroad and worked his way to fame in other lands. He had slain a robber east in Jemtland's wood, and then he fared on east into Sweden, and was a messmate of Saurkvir the Churl, and they harried eastward ho; but to the east of Baltic side (3) Thorkel had to fetch water for them one evening; then he met a wild man of the woods (4), and struggled against him long; but the end of it was that he slew the wild man. Thence he fared east into Adalsyssla, and there he slew a flying fire-drake. After that he fared back to Sweden, and thence to Norway, and so out to Iceland, and let these deeds of derring do be carved over his shut bed,<ref>''' let these deeds of derring do be carved over his shut bed ''': "It will be noticed that Thorkell is involved in three fights: against a spellvirki, against a finngálkn and against a flugdreki. [...]. The carvings on Thorkel‘s bed-closet and on the chair in front of his high-seat thus depicted three fights, against an evil-doer human in shape, against a creature half man half beast living near or in water, and against a flying dragon. Any Anglo-Saxon who had heard the poem Beowulf would have little difficulty in recognizing that these carvings depicted events closely similar to those narrated in the Old English poem." [[Opland, Jeff. A Beowulf analogue in Njálssaga]] (pp. 55-56)</ref> and on the stool before his high seat.<ref>'''his high seat''': "The saga’s allusive and indeed ironic development of the ''Beowulf'' tale-type controls and modifies the audience’s attitudes towards Skarpheðinn at the assembly following Höskuldr Hvítanessgoði’s death." [[Clark, George. Beowulf and Njáls saga]] (p. 66) </ref> He fought, too, on Lightwater way with his brothers against Gudmund the Powerful, and the men of Lightwater won the day. He and Thorir Helgi's son spread abroad bad stories about Gudmund. Thorkel said there was no man in Iceland with whom he would not fight in single combat, or yield an inch to, if need were. He was called Thorkel Foulmouth, because he spared no one with whom he had to do either in word or deed.

ENDNOTES:

(1) Hafr was the son of Thorkel, the son of Eric of Gooddale, the son of Geirmund, the son of Hroald, the son of Eric Frizzlebeard who felled Gritgarth in Soknardale in Norway.

(2) Thorkel was the son of Thorgeir the Priest, the son of Tjorfi, the son of Thorkel the Long; but the mother of Thorgeir was Thoruna, the daughter of Thorstein, the son of Sigmund, son of Bard of the Nip. The mother of Thorkel Foulmouth was named Gudrida; she was a daughter of Thorkel the B1ack of Hleidrargarth, the son of Thorir Tag, the son of Kettle the Seal, the son of Ornolf, the son of Bjornolf, the son of Grim Hairy-cheek, the son of Kettle Haeing, the son of Hallbjorn Halftroll.

(3) "Baltic side." This probably means a part of the Finnish coast in the Gulf of Bothnia. See "Fornm. Sogur", xii. 264-5.

(4) "Wild man of the woods." In the original Finngalkn, a fabulous monster, half man and half beast.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 119==

Flosi var á þingi og skipaði alla búð sína. Runólfur skipaði Dalverjabúð en Mörður Rangæingabúð. Hallur af Síðu var lengst kominn austan en nær ekki annarra manna. Hallur af Síðu hafði þó fjölmennt mjög og fór þegar í lið með Flosa og bað hann sætta og friðar. Hallur var vitur maður og góðgjarn. Flosi svaraði öllu vel og tók þó lítið af. Hallur spurði hverjir honum hefðu liðsinni heitið.

Flosi nefndi til Mörð Valgarðsson og kvaðst hafa beðið dóttur hans til handa Starkaði frænda sínum.

Hallur kvað góðan kost í henni en kvað allt illt við Mörð að eiga „og muntu það reyna áður þessu þingi sé lokið.“

Síðan hættu þeir talinu.

Það var einnhvern dag að þeir Njáll og Ásgrímur töluðu lengi hljótt.

Síðan spratt Ásgrímur upp og mælti til Njálssona: „Ganga munum vér og leita oss vina<ref>''' Ganga munum vér og leita oss vina ''': “What is clearly literary in the scene is the compulsion that makes each person visited ask after ‘the man fifth in line.’ But that's all. It would be hasty to dismiss everything else as pure artifice. Requests of support from powerful people required some adherence to forms of protocol; we simply do not know enough to dismiss the precisely ordered line as something to make a good story. Skarphéðin's insults have a certain ritualized quality to them, but it cannot be certain that this is not a form of flyting that our sources suggest was very much a part of Norse lived experience.” [[Miller, William Ian. Making Sense of the Sources]] (s. 48). </ref> að vér verðum eigi bornir ofliði því að þetta mál mun verða sótt með kappi.“

Ásgrímur gekk þá út og næst Helgi Njálsson, þá Kári Sölmundarson, þá Grímur Njálsson, þá Skarphéðinn, þá Þórhallur, þá Þorgrímur mikli, þá Þorleifur krákur. Þeir gengu til búðar Gissurar hvíta og gengu inn í búðina. Gissur stóð upp í móti þeim og bað þá sitja og drekka.

Ásgrímur svarar: „Eigi veit þannig við og skal þetta ekki á mutur mæla. Hverja liðveislu skal eg þar eiga er þú ert, frændi?“

Gissur mælti: „Það mundi Jórunn ætla að eg mundi eigi undan skerast þér að veita. Skal og svo vera nú og oftar að eitt skal yfir okkur ganga.“

Ásgrímur þakkaði honum og gekk í braut síðan.

Þá spurði Skaphéðinn: „Hvert skulum vér nú ganga?“

Ásgrímur svarar: „Til búðar Ölfusinga.“

Síðan gengu þeir þangað. Ásgrímur spurði hvort Skafti Þóroddsson væri að búð. Honum var sagt að hann var þar. Gengu þeir þá inn í búðina. Skafti sat á pallinum og fagnaði Ásgrími. Hann tók því vel. Skafti bauð Ásgrími að sitja hjá sér.

Ásgrímur kvaðst skamma dvöl eiga mundu „en þó er við þig erindið.“

„Lát heyra það,“ segir Skafti.

„Eg vil biðja þig liðsinnis að þú veitir að málum vorum.“

„Hitt hafði eg ætlað,“ segir Skafti, „að ekki mundi koma vandræði yður í híbýli mín.“

Ásgrímur svarar: „Illa er slíkt mælt að verða mönnum þá síst að liði er mest liggur við.“

„Hver er sá maður,“ segir Skafti, „er fjórir menn ganga fyrri, mikill maður og fölleitur, ógæfusamlegur, harðlegur og tröllslegur?“<ref>''' mikill maður og fölleitur, ógæfusamlegur, harðlegur og tröllslegur?''': "This episode is of special interest in relationship to the death drive. It is a series of five scenes which are all structured in the same way and all repeat with variations the identification of Skarphéðinn […] it is the repetition that makes them remarkable as well as the fearsome and uncanny behaviour of Skarphéðinn. This eeriness is suggested to the reader in several ways, among others in the way the four successive chieftains describe him. […] During this episode, there is something out of the ordinary to Skarphéðinn that awakens a sense of unease in those who meet him, as if death itself were among them." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Ærið gott gömlum og feigum]] (s. 953).</ref>

Hann svarar: „Skarphéðinn heiti eg,“ segir hann, „og hefir þú séð mig jafnan á þingi en vera mun eg því vitrari en þú að eg þarf eigi að spyrja hvað þú heitir. Þú heitir Skafti Þóroddsson en fyrr kallaðir þú þig Burstakoll þá er þú hafðir drepið Ketil úr Eldu. Gerðir þú þér þá koll og barst tjöru í höfuð þér. Síðan keyptir þú að þrælum að rísta upp jarðarmen og skreiðst þú þar undir um nóttina. Síðan fórstu til Þórólfs Loftssonar á Eyrum og tók hann við þér og bar þig út í mjölsekkjum sínum.“

Eftir það gengu þeir Ásgrímur út.

Skarphéðinn spurði: „Hvert skulum vér nú ganga?“

„Til búðar Snorra goða.“

Síðan gengu þeir til búðar Snorra. Þar var einn maður úti fyrir búðinni. Ásgrímur spurði hvort Snorri væri í búð. Sá sagði að hann væri þar. Ásgrímur gekk inn í búðina og þeir allir. Snorri sat á palli. Ásgrímur gekk fyrir hann og kvaddi hann vel. Snorri tók honum blíðlega og bað hann sitja.

Ásgrímur kvaðst þar skamma dvöl mundu eiga „en við þig er erindið.“

Snorri bað hann segja það.

Ásgrímur mælti: „Eg vildi að þú færir til dóma með mér og veittir mér lið því að þú ert vitur og framkvæmdarmaður mikill.“

„Þungt ganga oss nú málaferlin,“ segir Snorri goði, „og draga sig nú fram mjög margir í móti oss og erum vér því trauðir að taka vandræði annarra í aðra fjórðunga.“

„Vorkunn er það,“ segir Ásgrímur, „því að þú átt oss ekki varlaunað.“

„Veit eg er þú ert góður drengur,“ segir Snorri, „og vil eg því heita þér að eg skal hvergi í móti þér vera og eigi veita lið óvinum þínum.“

Ásgrímur þakkaði honum.

Snorri goði mælti: „Hver er sá maður er fjórir ganga fyrri, fölleitur og skarpleitur og glottir við tönn<ref> '''glottir við tönn''': "One remarkable, special kind of laughter is the grin of the unfortunate, the man against whom fate regularly turns. This expression is personified in Skarpheðinn (...). Skarpheðinn laughs either through incomprehension of the misfortune awaiting him, or as a form of defence-defiance towards this bad luck. In the latter case, his laughter would resemble the famous tragic laughter of the sagas, the equivalent in a culture far removed in space and time of the sardonic laughter characteristic of the Phoenicians." [[Le Goff, Jacques. Laughter in Brennu-Njáls saga]] (s. 163). </ref> og hefir öxi reidda um öxl?“

„Héðinn heiti eg,“ segir hann, „en sumir menn kalla mig Skarphéðin öllu nafni eða hvað viltu fleira til mín tala?“

Snorri goði mælti: „Það að mér þykir þú maður harðlegur og mikilfenglegur en þó get eg að þrotin sé þín hin mesta gæfa og skammt get eg eftir þinnar ævi.“

„Vel er það,“ segir Skarphéðinn, „því að þá skuld eiga allir að gjalda. En þó er þér meiri nauðsyn að hefna föður þíns en spá mér slíkar spár.“

„Margir hafa það mælt áður,“ segir Snorri, „og mun eg ekki við slíku reiðast.“

Eftir það gengu þeir út og fengu þar enga liðveislu. Þaðan fóru þeir til búðar Skagfirðinga. Þá búð átti Hafur hinn auðgi. Hann var son Þorkels Eiríkssonar úr Goðdölum, Geirmundarsonar, Hróaldssonar, Eiríkssonar örðumskeggja er felldi Grjótgarð í Sóknardal í Noregi. Móðir Hafurs hét Þórunn og var dóttir Ásbjarnar Myrkárskalla Hross-Bjarnarsonar. Þeir Ásgrímur gengu inn í búðina. Hafur sat í miðri búðinni og talaði við mann. Ásgrímur gekk að honum og heilsaði á hann. Hann tók því vel og bauð honum að sitja.

Ásgrímur mælti: „Hins vildi eg biðja þig að þú veittir mér lið og mágum mínum.“

Hafur svaraði skjótt og kvaðst ekki taka mundu undir vandræði þeirra „en þó vil eg spyrja hver sá er hinn fölleiti er fjórir menn ganga fyrri og svo illilegur sem genginn sé út úr sjávarhömrum.“

Skarphéðinn mælti: „Hirð ekki þú það, mjólki þinn, hver eg er því að eg mun þora þar fram að ganga er þú situr fyrir og mundi eg allt lítt hræðast þótt slíkir sveinar væru á götu minni. Er þér og skyldara að sækja Svanlaugu systur þína er Eydís járnsaxa og þau Steðjakollur tóku í braut úr híbýlum þínum og þorðir þú ekki að að hafa.“

Ásgrímur mælti: „Göngum út. Ekki er hér von liðveislu.“

Síðan gengu þeir til Möðruvellingabúðar og spurðu hvort Guðmundur hinn ríki væri í búðinni en þeim var sagt að hann var þar. Þeir gengu þá inn í búðina. Hásæti var í miðri búðinni og sat þar Guðmundur ríki. Ásgrímur gekk fyrir hann og kvaddi hann. Guðmundur tók honum vel og bauð honum að sitja.

Ásgrímur mælti: „Eigi vil eg sitja en biðja vil eg þig liðsinnis því að þú ert kappsamur og mikill höfðingi.“

Guðmundur mælti: „Ekki skal eg móti þér vera. En ef mér sýnist að veita þér lið þá munum við vel mega tala um það síðar“ og tók á öllu vel.

Ásgrímur þakkaði honum orð sín.

Guðmundur mælti: „Maður er sá einn í liði yðru er eg hefi horft á um hríð og líst mér ógurlegri flestum mönnum þeim er eg hefi séð.“

„Hver er sá?“ segir Ásgrímur.

„Fjórir ganga fyrri en hann,“ segir Guðmundur, „jarpur á hár og föllitaður, mikill vöxtum og ernlegur og svo skjótlegur til karlmennsku að heldur vildi eg hans fylgi hafa en tíu annarra. Og er þó maðurinn ógæfusamlegur.“<ref>''' Og er þó maðurinn ógæfusamlegur ''': " and he [Skarphéðinn] starts taking part in the acts of vengeance that ultimately take him to Alþingi, where he is described as ógæfusamligr, ‚unlucky-looking‘. What is important here is that Skarphéðinn is not mentioned as ógæfusamligr until after the killing of his foster brother – after he has killed his own kin." [[Kanerva, K.T.. Ógofa as an Emotion in Thirteenth-Century Iceland]] (s. 6)</ref>

Skarphéðinn mælti: „Veit eg að þú þykist til mín mæla og er eigi einn veg farið ógæfu okkarri. Eg hefi ámæli af vígi Höskulds Hvítanesgoða sem vorkunn er en þeir gerðu illmæli um þig Þorkell hákur og Þórir Helgason og hefir þú af því hina mestu skapraun.“

Gengu þeir þá út. Skarphéðinn mælti þá: „Hvert skulum vér nú ganga?“

„Til Ljósvetningabúðar,“ segir Ásgrímur.

Þá búð hafði tjaldað Þorkell hákur. Hann var son Þorgeirs goða Tjörvasonar, Þorkelssonar langs, en móðir Þorgeirs var Þórunn Þorsteinsdóttir, Sigmundarsonar, Gnúpa-Bárðarsonar. Móðir Þorkels háks hét Guðríður. Hún var dóttir Þorkels hins svarta úr Hleiðrargarði, Þórissonar snepils, Brimilssonar, Örnólfssonar, Björnólfssonar, Grímssonar loðinkinna, Ketils hængs, Hallbjarnarsonar hálftrölls. Þorkell hákur hafði verið utan og framið sig í öðrum löndum. Hann hafði drepið spellvirkja austur á Jamtaskógi. Síðan fór hann austur í Svíþjóð og fór til lags með Sörkvi karli og herjuðu þeir í Austurveg. En fyrir austan Bálagarðssíðu átti Þorkell að sækja þeim vatn eitt kveld. Þá mætti hann finngálkni og varðist því lengi en svo lauk með þeim að hann drap finngálknið. Þaðan fór hann austur í Aðalsýslu. Þar vó hann að flugdreka. Síðan fór hann aftur til Svíþjóðar og þaðan til Noregs og síðan út til Íslands. Og lét hann gera þrekvirki þessi yfir lokhvílu sinni <ref>''' lét hann gera þrekvirki þessi yfir lokhvílu sinni ''': "It will be noticed that Thorkell is involved in three fights: against a spellvirki, against a finngálkn and against a flugdreki. [...]. The carvings on Thorkel‘s bed-closet and on the chair in front of his high-seat thus depicted three fights, against an evil-doer human in shape, against a creature half man half beast living near or in water, and against a flying dragon. Any Anglo-Saxon who had heard the poem Beowulf would have little difficulty in recognizing that these carvings depicted events closely similar to those narrated in the Old English poem." [[Opland, Jeff. A Beowulf analogue in Njálssaga]] (s. 55-56)</ref>og á stóli fyrir hásæti sínu.<ref>'''hásæti sínu''': "The saga’s allusive and indeed ironic development of the ''Beowulf'' tale-type controls and modifies the audience’s attitudes towards Skarpheðinn at the assembly following Höskuldr Hvítanessgoði’s death." [[Clark, George. Beowulf and Njáls saga]] (s. 66) </ref> Hann barðist og á Ljósvetningaleið við Guðmund hinn ríka með bræðrum sínum og höfðu Ljósvetningar sigur. Gerðu þeir síðan illmæli um Guðmund, Þórir Helgason og Þorkell hákur. Þorkell mælti svo að sá væri engi á Íslandi að hann mundi eigi ganga til einvígis við eða á hæl hopa. Var hann fyrir því kallaður Þorkell hákur að hann eirði engu hvorki í orðum né verkum við hvern sem hann átti.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Miller, William Ian. Making Sense of the Sources

2019-06-05T12:06:34Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Miller, William Ian
* '''Title''': Making Sense of the Sources
* '''Published in''': ''Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law and Society in Saga Iceland''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Chicago: University of Chicago Press
* '''Year''': 1990
* '''Pages''': 43-76
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Miller, William Ian. ''Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law, and Society in Saga Iceland.'' Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990.

----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
Miller opens his discussion of the available source material by noting the complications inherent to the interpretation of textual evidence that is not just temporally displaced from the period that it purports to depict but also in some cases internally inconsistent and skewed by literary convention. He acknowledges the untenability of reading works of narrative literature as representations of absolute historical truth, but nevertheless advocates for their utility as indicators of social and legal norms in ‘Saga Iceland’. Specifically, he argues that the oral tradition on which the sagas were based must have been preserved well enough to retain the essence of the social and legal conventions that the sagas depict, even if the particulars of the overall mentality therein may have been altered and to varying degrees anachronistic. Miller examines in detail an excerpt from the tale of Þorsteinn stangarhögg to illustrate how the saga narratives can reflect legal and social conventions, and in doing so identifies another potential obstacle: that English translations of certain terms and phrases from the original Old Icelandic often prove inadequate because they do not retain the complete cultural context associated with the original term. He cross-examines the literature with the legal codes in order to attain a fuller understanding of the social and legal context of insult and injury, particularly with regard to how the processes behind the dispensation of justice and the payment of compensation were handled. The economy of honor inherent to medieval Icelandic society as represented in the sagas made the prospect of a bloodless settlement uncertain due to the mutable condition of one’s reputation, a situation that could be augmented by the exchange of explicit, symbolic, or even accidental insults and the obsession with emerging from a conflict without any loss of face. Peaceful resolution of conflict, as Miller’s examination indicates, tended to be contingent on the mutual magnanimity and humility of both parties involved, as well as their willingness to ignore the pressure exerted upon them in the form of goading by family and friends. While likely far from explicitly accurate historical accounts, the saga literature retains considerable social historical value in Miller’s view.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Miller, William Ian. Introduction: The Institutional Setting and the Ranks of Persons]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Some Aspects of the Economy]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Householding Patterns]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. The Bonds of Kinship]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Feud, Vengeance, and the Disputing Process]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Law and Legal Process]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Peacemaking and Arbitration]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Concluding Observations]]

==References==
[[Njála,_119| Chapter 119]]: ''' „ Ganga munum vér og leita oss vina ''': “What is clearly literary in the scene is the compulsion that makes each person visited ask after ‘the man fifth in line.’ But that's all. It would be hasty to dismiss everything else as pure artifice. Requests of support from powerful people required some adherence to forms of protocol; we simply do not know enough to dismiss the precisely ordered line as something to make a good story. Skarphéðin's insults have a certain ritualized quality to them, but it cannot be certain that this is not a form of flyting that our sources suggest was very much a part of Norse lived experience.” (p. 48)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Samuel Levin
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Miller, William Ian. Making Sense of the Sources

2019-06-05T11:57:46Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Miller, William Ian
* '''Title''': Making Sense of the Sources
* '''Published in''': ''Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law and Society in Saga Iceland''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Chicago: University of Chicago Press
* '''Year''': 1990
* '''Pages''': 43-76
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Miller, William Ian. ''Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law, and Society in Saga Iceland.'' Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990.

----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
Miller opens his discussion of the available source material by noting the complications inherent to the interpretation of textual evidence that is not just temporally displaced from the period that it purports to depict but also in some cases internally inconsistent and skewed by literary convention. He acknowledges the untenability of reading works of narrative literature as representations of absolute historical truth, but nevertheless advocates for their utility as indicators of social and legal norms in ‘Saga Iceland’. Specifically, he argues that the oral tradition on which the sagas were based must have been preserved well enough to retain the essence of the social and legal conventions that the sagas depict, even if the particulars of the overall mentality therein may have been altered and to varying degrees anachronistic. Miller examines in detail an excerpt from the tale of Þorsteinn stangarhögg to illustrate how the saga narratives can reflect legal and social conventions, and in doing so identifies another potential obstacle: that English translations of certain terms and phrases from the original Old Icelandic often prove inadequate because they do not retain the complete cultural context associated with the original term. He cross-examines the literature with the legal codes in order to attain a fuller understanding of the social and legal context of insult and injury, particularly with regard to how the processes behind the dispensation of justice and the payment of compensation were handled. The economy of honor inherent to medieval Icelandic society as represented in the sagas made the prospect of a bloodless settlement uncertain due to the mutable condition of one’s reputation, a situation that could be augmented by the exchange of explicit, symbolic, or even accidental insults and the obsession with emerging from a conflict without any loss of face. Peaceful resolution of conflict, as Miller’s examination indicates, tended to be contingent on the mutual magnanimity and humility of both parties involved, as well as their willingness to ignore the pressure exerted upon them in the form of goading by family and friends. While likely far from explicitly accurate historical accounts, the saga literature retains considerable social historical value in Miller’s view.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Miller, William Ian. Introduction: The Institutional Setting and the Ranks of Persons]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Some Aspects of the Economy]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Householding Patterns]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. The Bonds of Kinship]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Feud, Vengeance, and the Disputing Process]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Law and Legal Process]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Peacemaking and Arbitration]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Concluding Observations]]

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Samuel Levin
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 110

2019-06-05T11:40:56Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 110==

'''OF HILDIGNNA AND MORD VALGARD'S SON.'''

Hildigunna woke up and found that Hauskuld was away out of his bed.

"Hard have been my dreams," she said, "and not good; but go and search for him, Hauskuld."

So they searched for him about the homestead and found him not.

By that time she had dressed herself; then she goes and two men with her, to the fence, and there they find Hauskuld slain.

Just then, too, came up Mord Valgard's son's shepherd, and told her that Njal's sons had gone down thence, "and," he said, "Skarphedinn called out to me and gave notice of the slaying as done by him."

"It were a manly deed," she says, "if one man had been at it."

She took the cloak and wiped off all the blood with it, and wrapped the gouts of gore up in it, and so folded it together and laid it up in her chest.

Now she sent a man up to Gritwater to tell the tidings thither, but Mord was there before him, and had already told the tidings. There, too, was come Kettle of the Mark.

Thorgerda said to Kettle, "Now is Hauskuld dead as we know, and now bear in mind what thou promisedst to do when thou tookest him for thy fosterchild."

"It may well be," says Kettle, "that I promised very many things then, for I thought not that these days would ever befall us that have now come to pass; but yet I am come into a strait, for 'nose is next of kin to eyes,' since I have Njal's daughter to wife."

"Art thou willing, then," says Thorgerda, "that Mord should give notice of the suit for the slaying?"

"I know not that," says Kettle, "for me ill comes from him more often than good."

But as soon as ever Mord began to speak to Kettle he fared the same as others, in that he thought as though Mord would be true to him, and so the end of their counsel was that Mord should give notice of the slaying, and get ready the suit in every way before the Thing.

Then Mord fared down to Ossaby, and thither came nine neighbours who dwelt nearest the spot.

Mord had ten men with him. He shows the neighbours Hauskuld's wounds, and takes witness to the hurts, and names a man as the dealer of every wound save one; that he made as though he knew not who had dealt it, but that wound he had dealt himself. But the slaying he gave notice of at Skarphedinn's hand, and the wounds at his brothers' and Kari's.

After that he called on nine neighbours who dwelt nearest the spot to ride away from home to the Althing on the inquest.

After that he rode home. He scarce ever met Njal's sons, and when he did meet them, he was cross, and that was part of their plan.

The slaying of Hauskuld was heard over all the land, and was ill-spoken of. Njal's sons went to see Asgrim Ellidagrim's son, and asked him for aid.

"Ye very well know that ye may look that I shall help you in all great suits, but still my heart is heavy about this suit, for there are many who have the blood feud, and this slaying is ill- spoken of over all the land."

Now Njal's sons fare home.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 110==

Það var einn dag að Mörður kom til Bergþórshvols. Þeir gengu þegar á tal, Njálssynir og Kári. Mörður rægir Höskuld að vanda sínum og hefir nú enn margar nýjar sögur og eggjar einart Skarphéðin<ref>''' eggjar einart Skarphéðin ''': “Skarphéðinn kills his adoptive brother at the prompting of Mörður, just as Höður at Loki‘s instigation blindly kills Baldur.” [[North, Richard. Pagan words and Christian meanings.]] (s. 174). </ref> og þá að drepa Höskuld og kvað hann mundu verða skjótari ef þeir færu eigi þegar að honum.

„Gera skal þér kost á þessu,“ segir Skarphéðinn, „ef þú vilt fara með oss og gera að nokkuð.“

„Það vil eg til vinna,“ segir Mörður. Og bundu þeir það með fastmælum og skyldi hann þar koma um kveldið.

Bergþóra spurði Njál: „Hvað tala þeir úti?“

„Ekki er eg í ráðagerð með þeim,“ segir Njáll. „Sjaldan var eg þá frá kvaddur er hin góðu voru ráðin.“

Skarphéðinn lagðist ekki niður um kveldið og ekki bræður hans né Kári. Þessa nótt hina sömu kom Mörður Valgarðsson og tóku þeir vopn sín Njálssynir og Kári og riðu í braut.

Þeir fóru þar til er þeir komu í Ossabæ og biðu þar hjá garði nokkurum. Veður var gott og sól upp komin.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

North, Richard. Pagan words and Christian meanings.

2019-06-05T11:30:13Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': North, Richard
* '''Title''': ''Pagan words and Christian meanings''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Amsterdam: Rodopi
* '''Year''': 1991
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': North, Richard. ''Pagan words and Christian meanings''. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1991.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
This book focuses on the semantic connections between Old English and Old Icelandic, using words which express similar ideas to help understand the pre-Christian pagan religion of Britain. Using six examples from the prose and poetry of Iceland, where isolation enabled a later period of conversion, as well as a brief comparison with Homeric literature, North discusses the manner in which poetic and prosaic analogues are understood in extant Old English writings. In the first half of the book, he focuses on poetry to explain the ideas of mind and soul in the pre-Christian culture. The second half of this book details the reinterpretation and reinvention of pagan concepts through Christian prose.
While ''Brennu-Njáls saga'' uses thematic motifs to illustrate pagan beliefs, in the same manner that other sagas did, North examines Gunnar and Njáll as two differing embodiments of the virtuous pagan archetype (pages 164-175). Gunnar is shown, in life, to be a passive person with somewhat delicate sensibilities and enormous self-restraint, allowing him to see violence in a morally Christian manner. On the occasion that he must engage in violence, he does so in a sudden outburst, rather than something planned. In death, he takes on a cheerfully violent demeanor in his grave-mound which is radically different to his living self. The pagan-Christian connection is also demonstrated through the connection between Gunnar’s family fylgja and Hallur’s conversion request of a guardian angel. Njáll, Mörður, and Höskuldur are used as parallels with the Æsir through their actions, rather than merely being given morally admirable traits. In this way, the characters become myth, which allowed them to be perceived as morally upstanding pagans. Njáll, although a Christian convert early on, is compared to Óðinn, while Höskuldur could be Baldur (and, to some extent, Christ), and Mörður considered as Loki.

==Lýsing==
Texta vantar
==See also==

==References==
[[Njála,_110| Chapter 110]]: ''' „ eggjar einart Skarphéðin ''': “Skarphéðinn kills his adoptive brother at the prompting of Mörður, just as Höður at Loki‘s instigation blindly kills Baldur.” (p. 174)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Raenelda Rivera
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 078

2019-06-05T11:19:35Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

Njal could ill brook Gunnar's death, nor could the sons of Sigfus brook it either.

They asked whether Njal thought they had any right to give notice of a suit of manslaughter for Gunnar, or to set the suit on foot.

He said that could not be done, as the man had been outlawed; but said it would be better worth trying to do something to wound their glory, by slaying some men in vengeance<ref>''' by slaying some men in vengeance ''': “Blodig hämnd är självklar för honom [Njal]; att avstå från den är den svåraste skam han kan föreställa sig. […] Det handlar om att fienderna skall avstå från våld, inte om att hans familj och vänner skallgöra det. Någon principiell syn på hämnd uttrycker inte hans strävan efter fredlig förlikning.” [[Sävborg, Daniel. Konsten att läsa sagor]] (p. 189). </ref> after him.<ref>'''slaying some men in vengeance after him.''': " There is obviously no right to such revenge; should they pursue it they would leave themselves open to outlawry for taking it. But Njal believes that they can get away with it because, for one, Gunnar is too grand a man to die unavenged, so that there would be a kind of higher aesthetic justice served by avenging such as he, the law be damned." [[Miller, William Ian. Revenge for Gunnar: Chapters 77–81]] (p. 145).</ref>

They cast a cairn over Gunnar, and made him sit upright in the cairn. Rannveig would not hear of his bill being buried in the cairn, but said he alone should have it as his own, who was ready to avenge Gunnar. So no one took the bill.

She was so hard on Hallgerda, that she was on the point of killing her; and she said that she had been the cause of her son's slaying.

Then Hallgerda fled away to Gritwater, and her son Grani with her, and they shared the goods between them; Hogni was to have the land at Lithend and the homestead on it, but Grani was to have the land let out on lease.

Now this token happened at Lithend, that the neat-herd and the serving-maid were driving cattle by Gunnar's cairn. They thought that he was merry, and that he was singing inside the cairn. They went home and told Rannveig, Gunnar's mother, of this token, but she bade them go and tell Njal.

Then they went over to Bergthorsknoll and told Njal, but he made them tell it three times over.

After that, he had a long talk all alone with Skarphedinn; and Skarphedinn took his weapons and goes with them to Lithend.

Rannveig and Hogni gave him a hearty welcome, and were very glad to see him. Rannveig asked him to stay there some time, and he said he would.

He and Hogni were always together, at home and abroad. Hogni was a brisk, brave man, well-bred and well-trained in mind and body, but distrustful and slow to believe what he was told, and that was why they dared not tell him of the token.

Now those two, Skarphedinn and Hogni, were out of doors one evening by Gunnar's cairn on the south side. The moon and stars were shining clear and bright, but every now and then the clouds drove over them. Then all at once they thought they saw the cairn standing open, and lo! Gunnar had turned himself in the cairn and looked at the moon. They thought they saw four lights burning in the cairn, and none of them threw a shadow. They saw that Gunnar was merry, and he wore a joyful face. He sang a song, and so loud, that it might have been heard though they had been further off.

"He that lavished rings in largesse,
When the fights' red rain-drips fell,
Bright of face, with heart-strings hardy,
Hogni's father met his fate;
Then his brow with helmet shrouding,
Bearing battle-shield, he spake,
'I will die the prop of battle,
Sooner die than yield an inch,
Yes, sooner die than yield an inch."

After that the cairn was shut up again.

"Wouldst thou believe these tokens if Njal or I told them to thee?" says Skarphedinn.

"I would believe them," he says, "if Njal told them, for it is said he never lies."

"Such tokens as these mean much," says Skarphedinn, "when he shows himself to us, he who would sooner die than yield to his foes; and see how he has taught us what we ought to do."

"I shall be able to bring nothing to pass," says Hogni, "unless thou wilt stand by me."

"Now," says Skarphedinn, "will I bear in mind how Gunnar behaved after the slaying of your kinsman Sigmund; now I will yield you such help as I may. My father gave his word to Gunnar to do that whenever thou or thy mother had need of it."

After that they go home to Lithend.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

Njáll kunni illa láti Gunnars og svo Sigfússynir. Þeir spurðu hvort Njáli þætti nokkuð eiga að lýsa vígsök Gunnars eða búa mál til. Hann kvað það ekki mega er maður var sekur orðinn og kvað heldur verða að veita þeim vegskarð í því að drepa menn nokkura í hefnd<ref>''' að drepa menn nokkura í hefnd ''': “Blodig hämnd är självklar för honom [Njal]; att avstå från den är den svåraste skam han kan föreställa sig. […] Det handlar om att fienderna skall avstå från våld, inte om att hans familj och vänner skallgöra det. Någon principiell syn på hämnd uttrycker inte hans strävan efter fredlig förlikning.” [[Sävborg, Daniel. Konsten att läsa sagor]] (s. 189). </ref> eftir hann.<ref>'''drepa menn nokkura í hefnd eftir hann.''': " There is obviously no right to such revenge; should they pursue it they would leave themselves open to outlawry for taking it. But Njal believes that they can get away with it because, for one, Gunnar is too grand a man to die unavenged, so that there would be a kind of higher aesthetic justice served by avenging such as he, the law be damned." [[Miller, William Ian. Revenge for Gunnar: Chapters 77–81]] (s. 145).</ref>

Þeir urpu haug eftir Gunnar og létu hann sitja upp í hauginum. Rannveig vildi eigi að atgeirinn færi í hauginn og kvað þann einn skyldu á honum taka er hefna vildi Gunnars. Tók því engi á atgeirinum. Hún var svo hörð við Hallgerði að henni hélt við að hún mundi drepa hana og kvað hana valdið hafa vígi sonar síns. Stökk þá Hallgerður til Grjótár og Grani son hennar. Var þá gert féskipti með þeim. Skyldi Högni hafa land að Hlíðarenda og bú á en Grani skyldi hafa leigulönd.

Sá atburður varð að Hlíðarenda að smalamaður og griðkona ráku fé hjá haugi Gunnars. Þeim þótti hann vera kátur og kveða í hauginum. Fóru þau heim og sögðu Rannveigu móður Gunnars atburðinn en hún bað þau segja Njáli. Fóru þau þá til Bergþórshvols og sögðu Njáli en hann lét segja sér þrem sinnum. Eftir það talaði hann lengi hljótt við Skarphéðin.

Hann tók vopn sín og fer með þeim til Hlíðarenda. Þau Högni og Rannveig tóku við honum allvel og urðu honum fegin mjög. Rannveig bað að hann væri þar lengi. Hann hét því. Þeir Högni gengu út og inn jafnan. Högni var maður vasklegur og vel að sér ger og tortryggur og þorðu þau fyrir því eigi að segja honum fyrirburðinn.

Þeir Skarphéðinn og Högni voru úti hjá haugi Gunnars suður frá. Tunglskin var bjart en stundum dró fyrir. Þeim sýndist haugurinn opinn og hafði Gunnar snúist í hauginum og sá í móti tunglinu. Þeir þóttust sjá fjögur ljós í hauginum brenna og bar hvergi skugga á. Þeir sáu að Gunnar var kátlegur og með gleðibragði miklu. Hann kvað vísu og svo hátt að þó mátti heyra gjörla þótt þeir væru firr:

25. Mælti döggla deilir,

dáðum rakkur, sá er háði

bjartur með bestu hjarta

benrögn, faðir Högna:

Heldur kvaðst hjálmi faldinn

hjörþilju sjá vilja

veitidraug en vægja,

val-Freyju stafur, deyja

og val-Freyju stafur deyja.

Síðan laukst aftur haugurinn.

„Mundir þú trúa fyrirburð þessum ef Njáll segði þér eða eg?“ segir Skarphéðinn.“

„Trúa mundi eg,“ segir hann, „ef Njáll segði því að það er sagt að hann ljúgi aldrei.“

„Mikið er um fyrirburði slíka,“ segir Skarphéðinn. „Hann sjálfur vitrast okkur og vildi heldur deyja en vægja fyrir óvinum sínum og kenndi hann okkur þau ráð.“

„Engu mun eg til leiðar koma,“ segir Högni, „nema þú viljir mér að veita.“

„Nú skal eg það muna hversu Gunnari fór eftir víg Sigmundar frænda yðvars. Skal eg nú veita yður slíkt er eg má. Hét faðir minn því Gunnari þar er þú ættir hlut að eða móðir hans.“

Gengu þeir síðan heim til Hlíðarenda.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Sävborg, Daniel. Konsten att läsa sagor

2019-06-05T11:18:17Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Sävborg, Daniel
* '''Title''': Konsten att läsa sagor. Om tolkningen av trosskiftets betydelse i ''Njáls saga''
* '''Published in''': ''Gripla'' 22
* '''Year''': 2011
* '''Pages''': 181-209
* '''E-text''': [http://timarit.is/view_page_init.jsp?gegnirId=001214065 Tímarit.is]
* '''Reference''': Sävborg, Daniel. "Konsten att läsa sagor. Om tolkningen av trosskiftets betydelse i ''Njáls saga''." ''Gripla'' 22 (2011): 181-209.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In this article Sävborg directly addresses previous works on ''Njáls saga'' by Swedish scholar Lars Lönnroth. Sävborg disagrees with Lönnroth’s general viewpoint that sagas (and ''Njáls saga'' in particular) communicate religious messages, which existed in Iceland when sagas were written down. Sävborg argues that even though saga writers might have been influenced by contemporary Christian models and ideals, the individual events, characters and actions represented in sagas represents ideas of heathen Iceland as well as Christian Iceland. In contrast to Lönnroth, Sävborg believes that sagas’ elements are not to be seen as representation of religious ideals or allegories to how Christian reconciliation overcomes heretical Icelandic laws or, especially, as allusions to certain religious texts. Scholar believes that both revenge and reconciliation are important motives in saga literature in general and the choice depends on the personal character of the decision maker rather than on his/hers religious believes. This leads to a conclusion that, contrary to Lönnroth´s beliefs, the writer(s) of ''Njáls saga'' followed common saga tradition rather than religious didactic works.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Lönnroth, Lars. Att läsa Njáls saga]]

==References==
[[Njála,_078| Chapter 78]]: ''' „ að drepa menn nokkura í hefnd ''': “Blodig hämnd är självklar för honom [Njal]; att avstå från den är den svåraste skam han kan föreställa sig. […] Det handlar om att fienderna skall avstå från våld, inte om att hans familj och vänner skallgöra det. Någon principiell syn på hämnd uttrycker inte hans strävan efter fredlig förlikning.” (p. 189)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Ieva Paškauskaitė
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Sävborg, Daniel. Konsten att läsa sagor

2019-06-05T11:17:48Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Sävborg, Daniel
* '''Title''': Konsten att läsa sagor. Om tolkningen av trosskiftets betydelse i ''Njáls saga''
* '''Published in''': ''Gripla'' 22
* '''Year''': 2011
* '''Pages''': 181-209
* '''E-text''': [http://timarit.is/view_page_init.jsp?gegnirId=001214065 Tímarit.is]
* '''Reference''': Sävborg, Daniel. "Konsten att läsa sagor. Om tolkningen av trosskiftets betydelse i ''Njáls saga''." ''Gripla'' 22 (2011): 181-209.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In this article Sävborg directly addresses previous works on Njáls saga by Swedish scholar Lars Lönnroth. Sävborg disagrees with Lönnroth’s general viewpoint that sagas (and Njáls saga in particular) communicate religious messages, which existed in Iceland when sagas were written down. Sävborg argues that even though saga writers might have been influenced by contemporary Christian models and ideals, the individual events, characters and actions represented in sagas represents ideas of heathen Iceland as well as Christian Iceland. In contrast to Lönnroth, Sävborg believes that sagas’ elements are not to be seen as representation of religious ideals or allegories to how Christian reconciliation overcomes heretical Icelandic laws or, especially, as allusions to certain religious texts. Scholar believes that both revenge and reconciliation are important motives in saga literature in general and the choice depends on the personal character of the decision maker rather than on his/hers religious believes. This leads to a conclusion that, contrary to Lönnroth´s beliefs, the writer(s) of Njáls saga followed common saga tradition rather than religious didactic works.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Lönnroth, Lars. Att läsa Njáls saga]]

==References==
[[Njála,_078| Chapter 78]]: ''' „ að drepa menn nokkura í hefnd ''': “Blodig hämnd är självklar för honom [Njal]; att avstå från den är den svåraste skam han kan föreställa sig. […] Det handlar om att fienderna skall avstå från våld, inte om att hans familj och vänner skallgöra det. Någon principiell syn på hämnd uttrycker inte hans strävan efter fredlig förlikning.” (p. 189)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Ieva Paškauskaitė
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Sävborg, Daniel. Konsten att läsa sagor

2019-06-05T11:07:12Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Sävborg, Daniel
* '''Title''': Konsten att läsa sagor. Om tolkningen av trosskiftets betydelse i ''Njáls saga''
* '''Published in''': ''Gripla'' 22
* '''Year''': 2011
* '''Pages''': 181-209
* '''E-text''': [http://timarit.is/view_page_init.jsp?gegnirId=001214065 Tímarit.is]
* '''Reference''': Sävborg, Daniel. "Konsten att läsa sagor. Om tolkningen av trosskiftets betydelse i ''Njáls saga''." ''Gripla'' 22 (2011): 181-209.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In this article Sävborg directly addresses previous works on Njáls saga by Swedish scholar Lars Lönnroth. Sävborg disagrees with Lönnroth’s general viewpoint that sagas (and Njáls saga in particular) communicate religious messages, which existed in Iceland when sagas were written down. Sävborg argues that even though saga writers might have been influenced by contemporary Christian models and ideals, the individual events, characters and actions represented in sagas represents ideas of heathen Iceland as well as Christian Iceland. In contrast to Lönnroth, Sävborg believes that sagas’ elements are not to be seen as representation of religious ideals or allegories to how Christian reconciliation overcomes heretical Icelandic laws or, especially, as allusions to certain religious texts. Scholar believes that both revenge and reconciliation are important motives in saga literature in general and the choice depends on the personal character of the decision maker rather than on his/hers religious believes. This leads to a conclusion that, contrary to Lönnroth´s beliefs, the writer(s) of Njáls saga followed common saga tradition rather than religious didactic works.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Lönnroth, Lars. Att läsa Njáls saga]]

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Ieva Paškauskaitė
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 035

2019-06-04T15:38:37Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 35==

Now it was the custom between Gunnar and Njal,<ref>''' it was the custom between Gunnar and Njal ''': “Keeping good kinship did not come naturally. It required work and foresight to maintain the bonds in working order. This task was aided by norms of mutual aid and reciprocity.” [[Miller, William Ian. The Bonds of Kinship]] (p. 164). </ref> that each made the other a feast, winter and winter about, for friendship's sake;<ref>''' for friendship's sake ''': " But nowhere is perfect friendship better exhibited than in the epic Njáls saga, which details the virtuous friendship between Njáll Þorgeirsson and Gunnarr Hámundarson á Hlíðarendi, the two Icelandic farmers whose bond withstood numerous trials and was ‚stronger than the relationship of either man to his wife‘." [[Van Deusen, Natalie. Sworn Sisterhood? On the (Near-) Absence of Female Friendship from the Íslendingasogur]] (p. 56-7)</ref> and it was Gunnar's turn to go to feast at Njal's. So Gunnar and Hallgerda set off for Bergthorsknoll, and when they got there Helgi and his wife were not at home. Njal gave Gunnar and his wife a hearty welcome, and when they had been there a little while, Helgi came home with Thorhalla his wife. Then Bergthora went up to the crossbench, and Thorhalla with her, and Bergthora said to Hallgerda, "Thou shalt give place to this woman."<ref>'''Thou shalt give place to this woman.''': "Thorhalla is of such social and political importance to Njal’s household that Bergthora is not about to play gracious hostess to Hallgerd to defuse a tense situation." [[Miller, William Ian. Making a Scene: Chapters 34–5, 48]] (p. 57).</ref>

She answered, "To no one will I give place, for I will not be driven into the corner for any one."

"I shall rule here," said Bergthora. After that Thorhalla sat down, and Bergthora went round the table with water to wash the guests' hands. Then Hallgerda took hold of Bergthora's hand, and said, "There's not much to choose, though, between you two. Thou hast hangnails on every finger, and Njal is beardless."

"That's true," says Bergthora, "yet neither of us finds fault with the other for it; but Thorwald, thy husband, was not beardless, and yet thou plottedst his death."

Then Hallgerda said, "It stands me in little stead to have the bravest man in Iceland if thou dost not avenge this, Gunnar!"

He sprang up and strode across away from the board, and said, "Home I will go, and it were more seemly that thou shouldest wrangle with those of thine own household, and not under other men's roofs; but as for NjaI, I am his debtor for much honour, and never will I be egged on by thee like a fool."

After that they set off home.

"Mind this Bergthora," said Hallgerda, "that we shall meet again."

Bergthora said she should not be better off for that. Gunnar said nothing at all, but went home to Lithend, and was there at home all the winter. And now the summer was running on towards the Great Thing.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 35==

Það var siðvandi þeirra Gunnars og Njáls<ref>''' Það var siðvandi þeirra Gunnars og Njáls ''': “Keeping good kinship did not come naturally. It required work and foresight to maintain the bonds in working order. This task was aided by norms of mutual aid and reciprocity.” [[Miller, William Ian. The Bonds of Kinship]] (s. 164). </ref> að sinn vetur þá hvor heimboð að öðrum fyrir vináttu sakir.<ref>''' fyrir vináttu sakir ''': " But nowhere is perfect friendship better exhibited than in the epic Njáls saga, which details the virtuous friendship between Njáll Þorgeirsson and Gunnarr Hámundarson á Hlíðarendi, the two Icelandic farmers whose bond withstood numerous trials and was ‚stronger than the relationship of either man to his wife‘." [[Van Deusen, Natalie. Sworn Sisterhood? On the (Near-) Absence of Female Friendship from the Íslendingasogur]] (s. 56-7)</ref> Þá átti Gunnar að sækja veturgrið að Njáli og fóru þau Gunnar og Hallgerður til Bergþórshvols. Þá voru þau Helgi eigi heima. Njáll tók vel við þeim Gunnari. Og þá er þau höfðu þar verið nokkura hríð kom Helgi heim og Þórhalla kona hans.

Þá gekk Bergþóra að pallinum og Þórhalla með henni og mælti Bergþóra til Hallgerðar: „Þú skalt þoka fyrir konu þessi.“<ref>'''Þú skalt þoka fyrir konu þessi.''': "Thorhalla is of such social and political importance to Njal’s household that Bergthora is not about to play gracious hostess to Hallgerd to defuse a tense situation." [[Miller, William Ian. Making a Scene: Chapters 34–5, 48]] (s. 57).</ref>

Hún mælti: „Hvergi mun eg þoka því að engi hornreka vil eg vera.“

„Eg skal hér ráða,“ sagði Bergþóra.

Síðan settist Þórhalla niður.

Bergþóra gekk að borðinu með laugar.

Hallgerður tók höndina Bergþóru: „Eigi er kosta munur með ykkur Njáli. Þú hefir kartnagl á hverjum fingri en hann er skegglaus.“

„Satt er það,“ sagði Bergþóra, „en hvortgi okkart gefur það öðru að sök. En eigi var skegglaus Þorvaldur búandi þinn og réðstu honum þó bana.“

„Fyrir lítið kemur mér,“ segir Hallgerður, „að eiga þann mann er vaskastur mun á Íslandi ef þú hefnir eigi þessa, Gunnar.“

Hann spratt upp og steig fram yfir borðið og mælti: „Heim mun eg fara og er það maklegast að þú sennir við heimamenn þína en eigi í annarra manna híbýlum enda á eg Njáli marga sæmd að launa og mun eg ekki vera eggjanarfífl þitt.“

Síðan fóru þau heim.

„Mun þú það, Bergþóra,“ sagði Hallgerður, „að við skulum eigi skildar.“

Bergþóra sagði að ekki skyldi hennar hluti batna við það. Gunnar lagði ekki til og fór heim til Hlíðarenda og var heima allan veturinn. Líður nú sumarið til alþingis framan.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Miller, William Ian. The Bonds of Kinship

2019-06-04T15:37:36Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Miller, William Ian
* '''Title''': The Bonds of Kinship
* '''Published in''': ''Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law and Society in Saga Iceland''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Chicago: University of Chicago Press
* '''Year''': 1990
* '''Pages''': 139-78
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Miller, William Ian. ''Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law, and Society in Saga Iceland.'' Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990.

----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In this chapter, Miller discusses kinship in both theory and practice within the Icelandic sagas. He focuses on the necessity of kin to support the social practices and system of the medieval Icelandic world—even going so far as to say it was what made the Icelandic world go round. The chapter gives an in-depth look into multiple aspects of kinship, which may be explored further in the references. The most important conclusions he comes to are the following: the fact that kinship was not actually limited to blood or marriage, and instances of friends acting as kin for each other was common; such as Njáll and Gunnar. Kinship was also the core of group formation in an otherwise unstructured society. Furthermore, kinship was not something that existed without effort—in order to maintain the strongest bonds with your kin, gift giving, feasting, and other efforts must be made to continue your relationship. While it was not always a stable system—for example, Miller dedicates time to discussing kin-strife in the chapter—on the whole, kinship helped structure Icelandic society by promoting group formation and avenging one another within the feud culture.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Miller, William Ian. Introduction: The Institutional Setting and the Ranks of Persons]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Making Sense of the Sources]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Some Aspects of the Economy]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Householding Patterns]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Feud, Vengeance, and the Disputing Process]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Law and Legal Process]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Peacemaking and Arbitration]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Concluding Observations]]

==References==
[[Njála,_035| Chapter 35]]: ''' „ Það var siðvandi þeirra Gunnars og Njáls''': “Keeping good kinship did not come naturally. It required work and foresight to maintain the bonds in working order. This task was aided by norms of mutual aid and reciprocity.” (p. 164)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Meg Morrow
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Miller, William Ian. The Bonds of Kinship

2019-06-04T15:36:37Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Miller, William Ian
* '''Title''': The Bonds of Kinship
* '''Published in''': ''Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law and Society in Saga Iceland''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Chicago: University of Chicago Press
* '''Year''': 1990
* '''Pages''': 139-78
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Miller, William Ian. ''Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law, and Society in Saga Iceland.'' Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990.

----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In this chapter, Miller discusses kinship in both theory and practice within the Icelandic sagas. He focuses on the necessity of kin to support the social practices and system of the medieval Icelandic world—even going so far as to say it was what made the Icelandic world go round. The chapter gives an in-depth look into multiple aspects of kinship, which may be explored further in the references. The most important conclusions he comes to are the following: the fact that kinship was not actually limited to blood or marriage, and instances of friends acting as kin for each other was common; such as Njáll and Gunnar. Kinship was also the core of group formation in an otherwise unstructured society. Furthermore, kinship was not something that existed without effort—in order to maintain the strongest bonds with your kin, gift giving, feasting, and other efforts must be made to continue your relationship. While it was not always a stable system—for example, Miller dedicates time to discussing kin-strife in the chapter—on the whole, kinship helped structure Icelandic society by promoting group formation and avenging one another within the feud culture.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Miller, William Ian. Introduction: The Institutional Setting and the Ranks of Persons]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Making Sense of the Sources]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Some Aspects of the Economy]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Householding Patterns]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Feud, Vengeance, and the Disputing Process]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Law and Legal Process]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Peacemaking and Arbitration]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Concluding Observations]]

==References==
[[Njála,_035| Chapter 35]]: ''' „ fyrir vináttu sakir''': “Keeping good kinship did not come naturally. It required work and foresight to maintain the bonds in working order. This task was aided by norms of mutual aid and reciprocity.” (p. 164)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Meg Morrow
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Miller, William Ian. The Bonds of Kinship

2019-06-04T15:36:16Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Miller, William Ian
* '''Title''': The Bonds of Kinship
* '''Published in''': ''Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law and Society in Saga Iceland''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Chicago: University of Chicago Press
* '''Year''': 1990
* '''Pages''': 139-78
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Miller, William Ian. ''Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law, and Society in Saga Iceland.'' Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990.

----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In this chapter, Miller discusses kinship in both theory and practice within the Icelandic sagas. He focuses on the necessity of kin to support the social practices and system of the medieval Icelandic world—even going so far as to say it was what made the Icelandic world go round. The chapter gives an in-depth look into multiple aspects of kinship, which may be explored further in the references. The most important conclusions he comes to are the following: the fact that kinship was not actually limited to blood or marriage, and instances of friends acting as kin for each other was common; such as Njáll and Gunnar. Kinship was also the core of group formation in an otherwise unstructured society. Furthermore, kinship was not something that existed without effort—in order to maintain the strongest bonds with your kin, gift giving, feasting, and other efforts must be made to continue your relationship. While it was not always a stable system—for example, Miller dedicates time to discussing kin-strife in the chapter—on the whole, kinship helped structure Icelandic society by promoting group formation and avenging one another within the feud culture.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Miller, William Ian. Introduction: The Institutional Setting and the Ranks of Persons]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Making Sense of the Sources]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Some Aspects of the Economy]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Householding Patterns]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Feud, Vengeance, and the Disputing Process]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Law and Legal Process]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Peacemaking and Arbitration]]
* [[Miller, William Ian. Concluding Observations]]

==References==
[[Njála,_089| Chapter 89]]: ''' „ fyrir vináttu sakir''': “Keeping good kinship did not come naturally. It required work and foresight to maintain the bonds in working order. This task was aided by norms of mutual aid and reciprocity.” (p. 164)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Meg Morrow
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 089

2019-06-04T15:21:34Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 89==

Now we must take up the story, and say how, when Earl Hacon missed Thrain, he spoke to Sweyn his son, and said, "Let us take four long-ships, and let us fare against Njal's sons and slay them, for they must have known all about it with Thrain."

"'Tis not good counsel," says Sweyn,<ref>''' Tis not good counsel," says Sweyn ''': “the establishing of character allows for the presence of reliable spokesmen whose pronouncements on events and persons indicate what ought to be thought of them… [such as when Earl Hákon] wants to take out his anger on the Njálssons […] his son Sveinn counsels restraint.” [[Allen, Richard F.. The Rhetoric of Njáls saga]] (p. 107). </ref> "to throw the blame on guiltless men, but to let him escape who is guilty."

"I shall have my way in this," says the earl.

Now they hold on after Njal's sons, and seek for them, and find them under an island.

Grim first saw the earl's ships and said to Helgi, "Here are war ships sailing up, and I see that here is the earl, and he can mean to offer us no peace."

"It is said," said Helgi, "that he is the boldest man who holds his own against all comers, and so we will defend ourselves."

They all bade him take the course he thought best, and then they took to their arms.

Now the earl comes up and called out to them, and bade them give themselves up.

Helgi said that they would defend themselves so long as they could.

Then the earl offered peace and quarter to all who would neither defend themselves nor Helgi; but Helgi was so much beloved that all said they would rather die with him.

Then the earl and his men fall on them, but they defended themselves well, and Njal's sons were ever where there was most need. The earl often offered peace, but they all made the same answer, and said they would never yield.

Then Aslak of Longisle pressed them hard and came on board their ship thrice. Then Grim said, "Thou pressest on hard, and 'twere well that thou gettest what thou seekest;" and with that he snatched up a spear and hurled it at him, and hit him under the chin, and Aslak got his death wound there and then.

A little after, Helgi slew Egil the earl's banner-bearer.

Then Sweyn, Earl Hacon's son, fell on them, and made men hem them in and bear them down with shields, and so they were taken captive.

The earl was for letting them all be slain at once, but Sweyn said that should not be, and said too that it was night.<ref>''' said that should not be, and said too that it was night ''': " Comme dans les idées du Nord, une exécution nocturne passait pour une sorte de meurtre de félonie, on garrotte les prisonniers avec le dessein de les mettre à mort le lendemain." [[Gourdault, Jules. Gunnar et Nial: scènes et moeurs de la vieille Islande]] (p. 34)</ref>

Then the earl said, "Well, then, slay them to-morrow, but bind them fast to-night."

"So, I ween, it must be," says Sweyn; "but never yet have I met brisker men than these, and I call it the greatest manscathe to take their lives."

"They have slain two of our briskest men," said the earl, "and for that they shall be slain."

"Because they were brisker men themselves," says Sweyn; "but still in this it must be done as thou willest."

So they were bound and fettered.

After that the earl fell asleep; but when all men slept, Grim spoke to Helgi, and said, "Away would I get if I could."

"Let us try some trick then," says Helgi.

Grim sees that there lies an axe edge up, so Grim crawled thither, and gets the bowstring which bound him cut asunder against the axe, but still he got great wounds on his arms.

Then he set Helgi loose, and after that they crawled over the ship's side, and got on shore, so that neither Hacon nor his men were ware of them. Then they broke off their fetters, and walked away to the other side of the island. By that time it began to dawn. There they found a ship, and knew that there was come Kari Solmund's son. They went at once to meet him, and told him of their wrongs and hardships, and showed him their wounds, and said the earl would be then asleep.

"Ill is it," said Kari, "that ye should suffer such wrongs for wicked men; but what now would be most to your minds?"

"To fall on the earl," they say, "and slay, him."

"This will not be fated," says Kari; "but still ye do not lack heart, but we will first know whether he is there now."

After that they fared thither, and then the earl was up and away.

Then Kari sailed in to Hlada to meet the earl, and brought him the Orkney scatts, so the earl said, "Hast thou taken Njal's sons into thy keeping?"

"So it is, sure enough," says Kari.

"Wilt thou hand Njal's sons over to me?" asks the earl.

"No, I will not," said Kari.

"Wilt thou swear this," says the earl, "that thou wilt not fall on me with Njal's sons?"

Then Eric, the earl's son, spoke and said, "Such things ought not to be asked. Kari has always been our friend, and things should not have gone as they have, had I been by. Njal's sons should have been set free from all blame, but they should have had chastisement who had wrought for it. Methinks now it would be more seemly to give Njal's sons good gifts for the hardships and wrongs which have been put upon them, and the wounds they have got."

"So it ought to be, sure enough," says the earl, "but I know not whether they will take an atonement."

Then the earl said that Kari should try the feeling of Njal's sons as to an atonement.

After that Kari spoke to Helgi, and asked whether he would take any amends from the earl or not.

"I will take them," said Helgi, "from his son Eric, but I will have nothing to do with the earl."

Then Kari told Eric their answer.

"So it shall be." says Eric. "He shall take the amends from me if he thinks it better; and tell them this too, that I bid them to my house, and my father shall do them no harm."

This bidding they took, and went to Eric's house, and were with him till Kari was ready to sail west across the sea to meet Earl Sigurd.

Then Eric made a feast for Kari, and gave him gifts, and Njal's sons gifts too. After that Kari fared west across the sea, and met Earl Sigurd, and he greeted them very well, and they were with the earl that winter.

But when the spring came, Kari asked Njal's sons to go on warfare with him, but Grim said they would only do so if he would fare with them afterwards out to Iceland. Kari gave his word to do that, and then they fared with him a-searoving.<ref>''' they fared with him a-searoving. ''': “A characteristic motif is to name different islands in connection with raids and battles … A typical account of corresponding events meets us in ch. 89 of Njáls saga, which summarizes the activities of Kári and the sons of Njáll in the regions of Scotland and Wales. Among other undertakings, the men are said to have raided all around the Hebrides and killed a king’s son on the Isle of Man” [[Zilmer, Kristel. Scenes Of Island Encounters In Icelandic Sagas]] (pp. 234-35). </ref> They harried south about Anglesea and all the Southern isles. Thence they held on to Cantyre, and landed there, and fought with the landsmen, and got thence much goods, and so fared to their ships. Thence they fared south to Wales, and harried there. Then they held on for Alan, and there they met Godred, and fought with him, and got the victory, and slew Dungal the king's son. There they took great spoil. Thence they held on north to Coll, and found Earl Gilli there, and he greeted them well and there they stayed with him a while. The earl fared with them to the Orkneys to meet Earl Sigurd, but next spring Earl Sigurd gave away his sister Nereida to Earl Gilli, and then he fared back to the Southern isles.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 89==

Nú er þar til máls að taka er Hákon jarl missti Þráins að hann mælti við Svein son sinn: „Tökum við langskip fjögur og förum að Njálssonum og drepum þá því að þeir munu vitað hafa með Þráni.“

„Það er eigi gott ráð,“ segir Sveinn,<ref>''' Það er eigi gott ráð,“ segir Sveinn ''': “the establishing of character allows for the presence of reliable spokesmen whose pronouncements on events and persons indicate what ought to be thought of them… [such as when Earl Hákon] wants to take out his anger on the Njálssons […] his son Sveinn counsels restraint.” [[Allen, Richard F.. The Rhetoric of Njáls saga]] (s. 107). </ref> „að snúa sökinni á óvalda menn en láta þann undan setja er sekur er.“

„Eg skal þessu ráða,“ segir jarl.

Halda þeir nú eftir Njálssonum og leita þeirra og finna þá undir eyju einni.

Grímur sá fyrr skip jarlsins og mælti til Helga: „Herskip fara hér og kenni eg að hér er jarl og mun hann oss engan frið bjóða.“

„Það er mælt að sá sé hver vaskur er sig ver við hvern sem hann á. Skulum vér og verja oss.“

Allir báðu hann fyrir sjá. Tóku þeir þá vopn sín.

Jarl kemur nú að og kallaði á þá og bað þá upp gefast. Helgi svarar að þeir mundu verjast meðan þeir mættu. Jarl bauð öllum grið, þeim er eigi vildu verja hann, en svo var Helgi vinsæll að allir vildu deyja með honum. Jarl sækir að og hans menn en þeir verjast vel og voru þeir Njálssynir þar jafnan sem mest var raunin. Jarl bauð oft grið en þeir svöruðu hinu sama og sögðust aldrei mundu upp gefast. Þá sótti að þeim fast Áslákur úr Langeyju og komst upp á skipið þremur sinnum.

Þá mælti Grímur: „Þú sækir fast að og væri vel að þú hefðir erindi.“

Grímur þreif upp spjót og skaut undir kverkina og hafði Áslákur þegar bana. Litlu síðar vó Helgi Egil merkismann jarls. Þá sótti að Sveinn Hákonarson og lét bera að þeim skjöldu og urðu þeir handteknir.

Jarl vildi láta þegar drepa þá en Sveinn kvað það eigi skyldu og sagði að væri nótt.<ref>''' kvað það eigi skyldu og sagði að væri nótt ''': " Comme dans les idées du Nord, une exécution nocturne passait pour une sorte de meurtre de félonie, on garrotte les prisonniers avec le dessein de les mettre à mort le lendemain." [[Gourdault, Jules. Gunnar et Nial: scènes et moeurs de la vieille Islande]] (s. 34)</ref>

Þá mælti jarl: „Drepið þá á morgun en bindið þá rammlega í nótt.“

„Svo mun vera verða,“ segir Sveinn, „en eigi hefi eg vaskari menn fyrir fundið en þessa og er það hinn mesti mannskaði að taka þá af lífi.“

Jarl mælti: „Þeir hafa drepið tvo eina vöskustu vora menn og skal fyrir það drepa þá.“

„Menn voru þeir að vaskari,“ segir Sveinn, „en þó mun þetta gera verða sem þú vilt.“

Voru þeir bundnir og fjötraðir.

Eftir það sofnaði jarl. En þá er hann var sofnaður mælti Grímur til Helga: „Braut vildi eg komast ef eg mætti.“

„Leitum við nokkurra bragða þá,“ segir Helgi.

Grímur sér að þar liggur öx ein og horfði upp eggin. Grímur skreið þangað til og fær skorið af sér bogastrenginn við öxinni en þó fékk hann sár mikil á höndunum. Þá leysti hann Helga. Eftir það skreiddust þeir fyrir borð og komust á land svo að þeir Hákon urðu eigi varir við. Þeir brutu af sér fjötrana og gengu annan veg á eyna. Tók þá að morgna. Þeir fundu þar skip og kenndu að þar var kominn Kári Sölmundarson. Fóru þeir þegar á fund hans og sögðu honum hrakning sína og sýndu honum sár sín og kváðu þá jarl mundu í svefni.

Kári mælti: „Illa verður slíkt að þér skuluð taka hrakning fyrir vonda menn eða hvað er nú gert að skapi ykkru?“

„Fara að jarli og drepa hann,“ sögðu þeir.

„Ekki mun þess auðið verða,“ segir Kári, „en ekki skortir ykkur áhuga. En þó skulum vér vita hvort hann er þar nú.“

Síðan fóru þeir þangað og var jarl þá í brottu.

Þá fór Kári inn til Hlaða á fund jarls og færði honum skattinn.

Jarl mælti: „Hefir þú tekið Njálssonu til þín?“

„Svo er víst,“ segir Kári.

„Vilt þú selja mér fram Njálssonu?“

„Það vil eg eigi,“ sagði Kári.

„Vilt þú sverja þess að þú vildir eigi að mér fara eftir?“ segir jarl.

Þá mælti Eiríkur jarlsson: „Ekki er slíks að leita. Hefir Kári jafnan verið vinur vor. Og skyldi eigi svo farið hafa ef eg hefði við verið. Njálssynir skyldu hafa haldið öllu en hinir skyldu haft hafa refsing er til höfðu gert. Þætti mér nú sæmilegra að gefa Njálssonum góðar gjafir fyrir hrakningar þær er þeir höfðu og sárafar.“

Jarlinn mælti: „Svo mundi vera víst,“ segir hann, „en eigi veit eg hvort þeir vilja taka sættir.“

Þá mælti jarl að Kári skyldi leita við Njálssonu um sættir. Síðan ræddi Kári við Helga hvort hann vildi taka sæmdir af jarli.

Helgi sagði: „Taka vil eg af syni hans Eiríki en ekki vil eg eiga við jarl.“

Þá segir Kári Eiríki svör þeirra.

„Svo skal vera,“ segir Eiríkur, „að hann skal af mér taka sæmdina ef honum þykir það betra og segið þeim það að eg býð þeim til mín og skal faðir minn þeim ekki mein gera.“

Þetta þágu þeir og fóru til Eiríks og voru með honum þar til er Kári var búinn vestur að sigla. Þá gerði Eiríkur Kára veislu og gaf honum gjafir og svo Njálssonum.

Síðan fór Kári vestur um haf á fund Sigurðar jarls og tók hann við þeim allvel og voru með jarli um veturinn.

En um vorið bað Kári þá Njálssonu að þeir færu í hernað með honum en Grímur kvaðst það mundu gera ef hann vildi fara með honum út til Íslands. Kári hét því. Fóru þeir þá með honum í hernað.<ref>''' Fóru þeir þá með honum í hernað. ''': “A characteristic motif is to name different islands in connection with raids and battles … A typical account of corresponding events meets us in ch. 89 of Njáls saga, which summarizes the activities of Kári and the sons of Njáll in the regions of Scotland and Wales. Among other undertakings, the men are said to have raided all around the Hebrides and killed a king’s son on the Isle of Man” [[Zilmer, Kristel. Scenes Of Island Encounters In Icelandic Sagas]] (s. 234-35). </ref> Þeir herjuðu suður um Öngulseyjar og allar Suðureyjar. Þá héldu þeir til Saltíris og gengu þar upp og börðust við landsmenn og fengu til fjár mikils og fóru til skipa. Þaðan fóru þeir suður til Bretlands og herjuðu þar. Þá héldu þeir til Manar. Þar mættu þeir Guðröði konungi úr Mani og börðust þeir við hann og höfðu sigur og drápu Dungal son konungs. Þar tóku þeir fé mikið. Þaðan héldu þeir norður til Kolu og fundu þar Gilla jarl og tók hann við þeim vel og dvöldust með honum nokkura hríð. Jarl fór með þeim til Orkneyja á fund Sigurðar jarls. En um vorið gifti Sigurður jarl Gilla jarli Nereiði systur sína. Fór hann þá í Suðureyjar.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Allen, Richard F.. The Rhetoric of Njáls saga

2019-06-04T15:20:05Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Allen, Richard F.
* '''Title''': The Rhetoric of ''Njáls saga''
* '''Published in''': ''Fire and Iron: Critical Approaches to Njáls saga''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press
* '''Year''': 1971
* '''Pages''': 95-127
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Allen, Richard F.. "The Rhetoric of ''Njáls saga''." ''Fire and Iron: Critical Approaches to Njáls saga.'' pp. 95-127. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1971.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
In the penultimate chapter of Fire and Iron, Allen dissects the rhetoric of ''Njáls saga'' by examining the techniques of the “saga-man.” Allen argues that this reliable narrator has access to rhetorical abilities, which shape the audience’s judgments of the saga’s characters and events. In this way, ''Njáls saga’s'' narrator is a storyteller with narrative intent, rather than an impartial recounter of events. Allen points out that the saga-man’s intent and values reveal themselves through which events he has chosen to objectively narrate. The saga-man also provides information about characters’ qualities and right/wrongdoings that, in the cultural context of contemporaneous Icelandic values, allows the audience to form moral judgments. Allen explains that thusly, the establishment of a character can foreshadow conflict and direct the perception of those conflicts, and relay the significance of events, depending on how reliable the audience perceives the character to be. These techniques make the burning of Njáll a nuanced event where all characters involved are both sympathetic and condemnable. Accordingly, the audience’s judgment is focused not on those characters, but on the society in which they live. Ultimately, the narrator of ''Njáls saga'', according to Allen, has an agenda: to criticize the destructive nature of a society based on feuds, revenge, and honor. Rhetorical techniques enable him to take advantage of his objectivity and give the events of the saga the narrative significance that suits his purposes, thus forcing the audience to look critically at that society as well.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Introduction]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Problems of Saga Criticism, Origins, and Genre]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Saga Style: Christian Content and Epic Background]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Elements in Njáls saga]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Form and Theme]]

==References==
[[Njála,_089| Chapter 89]]: ''' „Það er eigi gott ráð,“ segir Sveinn ''': “the establishing of character allows for the presence of reliable spokesmen whose pronouncements on events and persons indicate what ought to be thought of them… [such as when Earl Hákon] wants to take out his anger on the Njálssons […] his son Sveinn counsels restraint.” (p. 107)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Madelyn DeVore
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Allen, Richard F.. Introduction

2019-06-04T15:11:20Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Allen, Richard F.
* '''Title''': Introduction
* '''Published in''': ''Fire and Iron: Critical Approaches to Njáls saga''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press
* '''Year''': 1971
* '''Pages''': xi-xvi
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Allen, Richard F.. "Introduction." ''Fire and Iron: Critical Approaches to Njáls saga.'' pp. xi-xvi. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1971.
----
* '''Key words''':
==Annotation==
In Richard Allen’s introduction to his book Fire and Iron, he expresses a desire to fill the current (at the time) void of literary analysis of Icelandic sagas. His stated contribution to this goal is five chapters that make up a series of different critical approaches to ''Njáls saga'': approaches that he outlines individually in this introduction. He explains that he begins by examining how the structures of sagas themselves seem to imitate an oral tradition. His next step is analyzing how the style of sagas accomplishes that imitation; here, he utilizes a comparison between the Icelandic saga and other contemporaneous and/or influential European epic styles. He then moves on to ''Njáls saga'' specifically, using the points made in the previous chapters to analyze the major themes present at the beginning of the saga. The two final chapters of his book widen their scope to the whole of ''Njals saga''. They deal, respectively, with the rhetorical devices its author used to craft a reliable narrator, and how the saga reflects the lived experiences and cultural values of Icelanders. After thus outlining the structure of his book, Allen is careful to provide a caveat that his analysis required navigation and acknowledgement of many translation differences, such as in matters of verbs, place names, and tenses. Accordingly, he provides the different sources and editions of ''Njals saga'' he has used to mitigate any resulting misinterpretations. Finally, he ends the introduction with a restating of his ultimate purpose: to bring saga scholarship to the forefront of Western academia
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Problems of Saga Criticism, Origins, and Genre]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Saga Style: Christian Content and Epic Background]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Elements in Njáls saga]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. The Rhetoric of Njáls saga]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Form and Theme]]

==References==
n/a
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Madelyn DeVore
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Allen, Richard F.. The Rhetoric of Njáls saga

2019-06-04T15:10:08Z

Andri:

Allen, Richard F.. Introduction

2019-06-04T15:08:43Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Allen, Richard F.
* '''Title''': Introduction
* '''Published in''': ''Fire and Iron: Critical Approaches to Njáls saga''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press
* '''Year''': 1971
* '''Pages''': xi-xvi
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Allen, Richard F.. "Introduction." ''Fire and Iron: Critical Approaches to Njáls saga.'' pp. xi-xvi. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1971.
----
* '''Key words''':
==Annotation==
In Richard Allen’s introduction to his book Fire and Iron, he expresses a desire to fill the current (at the time) void of literary analysis of Icelandic sagas. His stated contribution to this goal is five chapters that make up a series of different critical approaches to Njáls saga: approaches that he outlines individually in this introduction. He explains that he begins by examining how the structures of sagas themselves seem to imitate an oral tradition. His next step is analyzing how the style of sagas accomplishes that imitation; here, he utilizes a comparison between the Icelandic saga and other contemporaneous and/or influential European epic styles. He then moves on to Njáls saga specifically, using the points made in the previous chapters to analyze the major themes present at the beginning of the saga. The two final chapters of his book widen their scope to the whole of Njals saga. They deal, respectively, with the rhetorical devices its author used to craft a reliable narrator, and how the saga reflects the lived experiences and cultural values of Icelanders. After thus outlining the structure of his book, Allen is careful to provide a caveat that his analysis required navigation and acknowledgement of many translation differences, such as in matters of verbs, place names, and tenses. Accordingly, he provides the different sources and editions of Njals saga he has used to mitigate any resulting misinterpretations. Finally, he ends the introduction with a restating of his ultimate purpose: to bring saga scholarship to the forefront of Western academia
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Problems of Saga Criticism, Origins, and Genre]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Saga Style: Christian Content and Epic Background]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Elements in Njáls saga]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. The Rhetoric of Njáls saga]]
* [[Allen, Richard F.. Form and Theme]]

==References==
n/a
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Madelyn DeVore
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 128

2019-06-04T14:50:01Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 128==

Now Flosi speaks to his men, "Now we will ride to Bergthorsknoll, and come thither before supper-time."<ref>''' come thither before supper-time ''': " They meet at Þríhyrningshálsar, a very suitable rendez-vous, and leave for Bergþórshvoll at about 6 p.m., reaching the homestead 'fyrir náttmál'—that is, a little before 9. This would be a reasonable time for the journey according to knowledgeable men who lived in the age of horse-transport." [[Einar Ól. Sveinsson. Journey to the Njála country, 7th August 1973]] (p. 14)</ref>

They do so. There was a dell in the knoll, and they rode thither, and tethered their horses there, and stayed there till the evening was far spent.

Then Flosi said, "Now we will go straight up to the house, and keep close, and walk slow, and see what counsel they will take."

Njal stood out of doors, and his sons, and Kari and all the serving-men, and they stood in array<ref>'''they stood in array''': “Njálsbrenna er mikil og lýsandi sviðsetning, sjónleikur sem allir taka þátt í, karlar og konur, börn og fullorðnir, hetjur og húskarlar, brennumenn og þeir sem inni brenna, alls hátt á annað hundrað manns. Þegar þeir Flosi læðast heim að bænum hundrað í hóp og þétt saman standa heimamenn úti um þrjátíu talsins „og skipuðust fyrir á hlaðinu“, eins og þeir séu að koma sér fyrir á sviði.” [[Helga Kress. Njálsbrenna, karnival í Landeyjum]] (p. 28).</ref> to meet them in the yard, and they were near thirty of them.

Flosi halted and said, "Now we shall see what counsel they take, for it seems to me, if they stand out of doors to meet us, as though we should never get the mastery over them."

"Then is our journey bad," says Grani Gunnar's son, "if we are not to dare to fall on them."

"Nor shall that be," says Flosi; "for we will fall on them though they stand out of doors; but we shall pay that penalty, that many will not go away to tell which side won the day."

Njal said to his men, "See ye now what a great band of men they have."

"They have both a great and well-knit band," says Skarphedinn; "but this is why they make a halt now, because they think it will be a hard struggle to master us."

"That cannot be why they halt," says Njal; "and my will is that our men go indoors, for they had hard work to master Gunnar of Lithend, though he was alone to meet them; but here is a strong house as there was there, and they will be slow to come to close quarters."

"This is not to be settled in that wise," says Skarphedinn, "for those chiefs fell on Gunnar's house, who were so nobleminded, that they would rather turn back than burn him, house and all; but these will fall on us at once with fire, if they cannot get at us in any other way, for they will leave no stone unturned to get the better of us; and no doubt they think, as is not unlikely, that it will be their deaths if we escape out of their hands. Besides, I am unwilling to let myself be stifled indoors like a fox in his earth."

"Now," said Njal, "as often it happens, my sons, ye set my counsel at naught, and show me no honour, but when ye were younger ye did not so, and then your plans were better furthered."

"Let us do," said Helgi, "as our father wills; that will be best for us."

"I am not so sure of that," says Skarphedinn, "for now he is 'fey'; but still I may well humour my father in this, by being burnt indoors along with him, for I am not afraid of my death."

Then he said to Kari, "Let us stand by one another well, brother- in-law, so that neither parts from the other."

"That I have made up my mind to do," says Kari; "but if it should be otherwise doomed,--well! then it must be as it must be, and I shall not be able to fight against it."

"Avenge us, and we will avenge thee," says Skarphedinn, "if we live after thee."

Kari said so it should be.

Then they all went in, and stood in array at the door.

"Now are they all 'fey,'" said Flosi, "since they have gone indoors, and we will go right up to them as quickly as we can, and throng as close as we can before the door, and give heed that none of them, neither Kari nor Njal's sons, get away; for that were our bane."

So Flosi and his men came up to the house, and set men to watch round the house, if there were any secret doors in it. But Flosi went up to the front of the house with his men.

Then Hroald Auzur's son ran up to where Skarphedinn stood, and thrust at him. Skarphedinn hewed the spearhead off the shaft as he held it, and made another stroke at him, and the axe fell on the top of the shield, and dashed back the whole shield on Hroald's body, but the upper horn of the axe caught him on the brow, and he fell at full length on his back, and was dead at once.

"Little chance had that one with thee, Skarphedinn," said Kari, "and thou art our boldest."

"I'm not so sure of that," says Skarphedinn, and he drew up his lips and smiled.<ref>''' drew up his lips and smiled ''': " Skarpheðinn grins his last under the siege of flames. In response to Kári's compliment, ‚you are the bravest of us‘. The construction of the narrative is here impersonal, and there is a trace of the valedictory: ‚it was seen that he drew back his lips and grinned‘. The uncertainty of the Burners as to whether or not he is dead before he utters his last verse is the uncertainty of those who sense his otherworldliness even in life. Like those of Falgeirr and the Cheshire cat, Skarpheðinn's grin lingers on beyond the flesh." [[Low, Soon Ai. The mirthless content of Skarphedinn's grin.]] (p. 107)</ref>

Kari, and Grim, and Helgi, threw out many spears, and wounded many men; but Flosi and his men could do nothing.

At last Flosi said, "We have already gotten great manscathe in our men; many are wounded, and he slain whom we would choose last of all. It is now clear that we shall never master them with weapons; many now there be who are not so forward in fight as they boasted, and yet they were those who goaded us on most. I say this most to Grani Gunnar's son, and Gunnar Lambi's son, who were the least willing to spare their foes. But still we shall have to take to some other plan for ourselves, and now there are but two choices left, and neither of them good.<ref>''' but two choices left, and neither of them good. ''': “Flosi was now faced with a terrible dilemma. [...] He was probably quite sincere in his dislike of the idea of setting fire to the house, but he must have realized from the beginning, as Skarphedinn clearly did, that it might come to that in the end; and Flosi was not the man to leave a job unfinished.” [[Balchin, Nigel. Burnt-Njal - the irredeemable crime]] (p. 44). </ref> One is to turn away, and that is our death; the other, to set fire to the house, and burn them inside it; and that is a deed which we shall have to answer for heavily before God, since we are Christian men ourselves; but still we must take to that counsel."

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 128==

Nú talar Flosi við sína menn: „Nú munum vér ríða til Bergþórshvols og koma þar fyrir matmál.“<ref>''' koma þar fyrir matmál ''': " They meet at Þríhyrningshálsar, a very suitable rendez-vous, and leave for Bergþórshvoll at about 6 p.m., reaching the homestead 'fyrir náttmál'—that is, a little before 9. This would be a reasonable time for the journey according to knowledgeable men who lived in the age of horse-transport." [[Einar Ól. Sveinsson. Journey to the Njála country, 7th August 1973]] (s. 14)</ref>

Þeir gera nú svo. Dalur var í hvolnum og riðu þeir þangað og bundu þar hesta sína og dvöldust þar til þess er mjög leið á kveldið.

Flosi mælti: „Nú skulum vér ganga heim að bænum og ganga þröngt og fara seint og sjá hvað þeir taki til ráðs.“

Njáll stóð úti og synir hans og Kári og allir heimamenn og skipuðust fyrir á hlaðinu<ref>'''skipuðust fyrir á hlaðinu''': “Njálsbrenna er mikil og lýsandi sviðsetning, sjónleikur sem allir taka þátt í, karlar og konur, börn og fullorðnir, hetjur og húskarlar, brennumenn og þeir sem inni brenna, alls hátt á annað hundrað manns. Þegar þeir Flosi læðast heim að bænum hundrað í hóp og þétt saman standa heimamenn úti um þrjátíu talsins „og skipuðust fyrir á hlaðinu“, eins og þeir séu að koma sér fyrir á sviði.” [[Helga Kress. Njálsbrenna, karnival í Landeyjum]] (s. 28).</ref> og voru þeir nær þrír tigir.

Flosi nam stað og mælti: „Nú skulum vér að hyggja hvað þeir taka ráðs því að mér líst svo ef þeir standa úti fyrir sem vér munum þá aldrei sótta geta.“

„Þá er vor för ill,“ segir Grani Gunnarsson, „ef skulum eigi þora að að sækja.“

„Það skal og eigi vera,“ segir Flosi, „og munum vér að sækja þó að þeir standi úti. En það afhroð munum vér gjalda að margir munu eigi kunna frá að segja hvorir sigrast.“

Njáll mælti til sinna manna: „Hvað sjáið þér til hversu mikið lið þeir hafa?“

„Þeir hafa bæði mikið lið og harðsnúið,“ segir Skarphéðinn, „en því nema þeir þó nú stað að þeir ætla að þeim muni illa sækjast að vinna oss.“

„Það mun ekki vera,“ segir Njáll, „og vil eg að menn gangi inn því að illa sóttist þeim Gunnar að Hlíðarenda og var hann einn fyrir. En hér eru hús rammleg sem þar voru og munu þeir eigi skjótt sækja.“

„Þetta er ekki þann veg að skilja,“ segir Skarphéðinn, „því að Gunnar sóttu heim þeir höfðingjar er svo voru vel að sér að heldur vildu frá hverfa en brenna hann inni. En þessir munu þegar sækja oss með eldi er þeir mega eigi annan veg því að þeir munu allt til vinna að yfir taki við oss. Munu þeir það ætla sem eigi er ólíklegt að það sé þeirra bani ef oss dregur undan. Eg er og þess ófús að láta svæla mig inni sem melrakka í greni.“

Njáll mælti: „Nú mun sem oftar að þér munuð bera mig ráðum, synir mínir, og virða mig engis. En þá er þér voruð yngri gerðuð þér það eigi og fór yðvart ráð þá betur fram.“

Helgi mælti: „Gerum vér sem faðir vor vill. Það mun oss best gegna.“

„Eigi veit eg það víst,“ segir Skarphéðinn, „því að hann er nú feigur. En vel má eg gera það til skaps föður míns að brenna inni með honum því að eg hræðist ekki dauða minn.“

Hann mælti þá við Kára: „Fylgjumst vel, mágur, svo að engi skiljist við annan.“

„Það hefi eg ætlað,“ segir Kári, „en ef annars verður auðið þá mun það verða fram að koma og mun eg ekki mega við því gera.“

„Hefndu vor en vér þín,“ segir Skarphéðinn, „ef vér lifum eftir.“

Kári kvað svo vera skyldu. Gengu þeir þá inn allir og skipuðust í dyrin.

Flosi mælti: „Nú eru þeir feigir er þeir hafa inn gengið og skulum vér heim ganga sem skjótast og skipast sem þykkvast fyrir dyrin og geyma þess að engi komist í braut hvorki Kári né Njálssynir því að það er vor bani.“

Þeir Flosi komu nú heim og skipuðust umhverfis húsin ef nokkurar væru laundyr á. Flosi gekk framan að húsunum og hans menn. Hróaldur Össurarson hljóp þar að sem Skarphéðinn var fyrir og lagði til hans. Skarphéðinn hjó spjótið af skafti fyrir honum og hjó til hans og kom öxin ofan í skjöldinn og bar að Hróaldi þegar allan skjöldinn en hyrnan sú hin fremri tók andlitið og féll hann á bak aftur og þegar dauður.

Kári mælti: „Lítt dró enn undan við þig, Skarphéðinn, og ertu vor fræknastur.“

„Eigi veit eg það víst,“ segir Skarphéðinn og brá við grönum og glotti að.<ref>''' brá við grönum og glotti að ''': " Skarpheðinn grins his last under the siege of flames. In response to Kári's compliment, ‚you are the bravest of us‘. The construction of the narrative is here impersonal, and there is a trace of the valedictory: ‚it was seen that he drew back his lips and grinned‘. The uncertainty of the Burners as to whether or not he is dead before he utters his last verse is the uncertainty of those who sense his otherworldliness even in life. Like those of Falgeirr and the Cheshire cat, Skarpheðinn's grin lingers on beyond the flesh." [[Low, Soon Ai. The mirthless content of Skarphedinn's grin.]] (s. 107)</ref>

Kári og Grímur og Helgi lögðu út mörgum spjótum og særðu marga menn en Flosi og hans menn fengu ekki að gert.

Flosi mælti: „Vér höfum fengið mikinn mannskaða á mönnum vorum. Eru margir sárir en sá veginn er vér mundum síst til kjósa. Er nú það séð að vér getum þá eigi með vopnum sótta. Er nú sá margur er eigi gengur jafnskörulega að sem létu. En þó munum vér nú verða að gera annað ráð fyrir oss. Eru nú tveir kostir til og er hvorgi góður.<ref>''' Eru nú tveir kostir til og er hvorgi góður. ''': “Flosi was now faced with a terrible dilemma. [...] He was probably quite sincere in his dislike of the idea of setting fire to the house, but he must have realized from the beginning, as Skarphedinn clearly did, that it might come to that in the end; and Flosi was not the man to leave a job unfinished.” [[Balchin, Nigel. Burnt-Njal - the irredeemable crime]] (s. 44). </ref> Sá annar að hverfa frá og er það vor bani, hinn annar að bera að eld og brenna þá inni og er það stór ábyrgðarhlutur fyrir guði er vér erum menn kristnir sjálfir. En þó munum vér það bragðs taka.“

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Balchin, Nigel. Burnt-Njal - the irredeemable crime

2019-06-04T14:48:41Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Balchin, Nigel
* '''Title''': Burnt-Njal - the irredeemable crime
* '''Published in''': ''Fatal fascination: a choice of crime''
* '''Editors''': Nigel Balchin ''et al.''
* '''Place, Publisher''': London: Hutchinson
* '''Year''': 1964
* '''Pages''': 7-57
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Balchin, Nigel. "Burnt-Njal - the irredeemable crime." ''Fatal fascination : a choice of crime'', pp. 7-57. Eds. Nigel Balchin ''et al.'' London: Hutchinson, 1964.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
Balchin approaches the tragedy of Burnt Njal not as a moral failing of men, but rather as a critique of a society in which a chain of events have the potential to culminate in an irredeemable crime, such as burning a family alive within their house. Balchin begins by giving a bit of background information about how law functioned in medieval Iceland so that he can later argue that most of the saga characters were men (and women) of high character—not psychopaths—that were failed by the legal and social structures of their time. He then draws parallels between the chain of events that led up to the saga burning and the European political climate of his own time (1960‘s), arguing for contemporary readers to view the saga as a cautionary tale of political cause and effect.
==Lýsing==
Texta vantar
==See also==

==References==
[[Njála,_128| Chapter 128]]: ''' Eru nú tveir kostir til og er hvorgi góður. ''': “Flosi was now faced with a terrible dilemma. [...] He was probably quite sincere in his dislike of the idea of setting fire to the house, but he must have realized from the beginning, as Skarphedinn clearly did, that it might come to that in the end; and Flosi was not the man to leave a job unfinished.” (p. 44)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Kristen F. Lindbloom
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Balchin, Nigel. Burnt-Njal - the irredeemable crime

2019-06-04T14:47:23Z

Andri:

Njála, 020

2019-06-04T14:38:47Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 20==

There was a man whose name was Njal.<ref>'''Njal''': "But, as the centuries passed their stories were dissolved into the mainstream of Norse tradition: their Celtic origins were forgotten, and these stories became part of the common stock. There is some excellent evidence in favour of this. For instance, the names Njáll and Kormákr: both names are unquestionably Irish, yet neither of the sagas of these two gives any hint of an Irish connection in the families of the heroes. … One must conclude that the authors simply were not aware that the names were Irish." [[Robinson, Peter. Vikings and Celts]] (p. 131).</ref> He was the son of Thorgeir Gelling, the son of Thorolf. Njal's mother's name was Asgerda. Njal dwelt at Bergthorsknoll in the land-isles; he had another homestead on Thorolfsfell. Njal was wealthy in goods, and handsome of face; no beard grew on his chin.<ref>'''no beard grew on his chin''': "If we turn our gaze from this opening drama of Hrútr, we see another figure in whom virility is in question: at the centre of the saga is the effeminate visage of Njáll himself. No beard ever grew on him- ''honum óx eigi skegg''. Yet he had seven children." [[Dronke, Ursula. The Role of Sexual Themes in Njáls Saga]] (p. 11)</ref><ref>''' no beard grew on his chin ''': “One may say that in general to be bald, to be unable to grow a beard, or to have one’s hair cut off is taken as symbolic of a lack of masculinity and to that extent is comparable to the emasculating effects of castration; insofar as the Lacanian phallus is implicated in the construction of gender, then hair may be seen as “loosely analogous” to it. Nevertheless, the detailed picture is more complex and more ambivalent than this.” [[Phelpstead, Carl. Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland]] (p. 15). </ref> He was so great a lawyer,<ref>''' He was so great a lawyer ''': " Eldri sögur, sem vjer vitum aldr á, gæta þessa vandl. og segja ávalt lögsögumaðr t.d. Íslendingabók, Kristnisaga, Hungrvaka, Rafnssaga." [[Guðbrandur Vigfússon. Rök um aldr Njálu]] (p. 148)</ref> that his match was not to be found. Wise too he was, and foreknowing and foresighted. Of good counsel, and ready to give it, and all that he advised men was sure to be the best for them to do. Gentle and generous, he unravelled every man's knotty points who came to see him about them. Bergthora was his wife's name; she was Skarphedinn's daughter, a very high- spirited, brave-hearted woman, but somewhat hard-tempered. They had six children, three daughters and three sons, and they all come afterwards into this story.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 20==

Njáll<ref>'''Njáll''': "But, as the centuries passed their stories were dissolved into the mainstream of Norse tradition: their Celtic origins were forgotten, and these stories became part of the common stock. There is some excellent evidence in favour of this. For instance, the names Njáll and Kormákr: both names are unquestionably Irish, yet neither of the sagas of these two gives any hint of an Irish connection in the families of the heroes. … One must conclude that the authors simply were not aware that the names were Irish." [[Robinson, Peter. Vikings and Celts]] (s. 131).</ref> hét maður. Hann var sonur Þorgeirs gollings Þórólfssonar. Móðir Njáls hét Ásgerður og var dóttir Árs hersis hins ómálga. Hún hafði komið út hingað til Íslands og numið land fyrir austan Markarfljót milli Öldusteins og Seljalandsmúla. Sonur hennar var Holta-Þórir, faðir þeirra Þorleifs kráks, er Skógverjar eru frá komnir, og Þorgríms hins mikla og Skorar-Geirs.

Njáll bjó að Bergþórshvoli í Landeyjum. Annað bú átti hann í Þórólfsfelli. Njáll var vel auðigur að fé og vænn að áliti. Honum vóx eigi skegg.<ref>'''honum vóx eigi skegg''': "If we turn our gaze from this opening drama of Hrútr, we see another figure in whom virility is in question: at the centre of the saga is the effeminate visage of Njáll himself. No beard ever grew on him- ''honum óx eigi skegg''. Yet he had seven children." [[Dronke, Ursula. The Role of Sexual Themes in Njáls Saga]] (s. 11)</ref><ref>''' honum vóx eigi skegg ''': “One may say that in general to be bald, to be unable to grow a beard, or to have one’s hair cut off is taken as symbolic of a lack of masculinity and to that extent is comparable to the emasculating effects of castration; insofar as the Lacanian phallus is implicated in the construction of gender, then hair may be seen as “loosely analogous” to it. Nevertheless, the detailed picture is more complex and more ambivalent than this.” [[Phelpstead, Carl. Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland]] (s. 15). </ref> Hann var lögmaður svo mikill<ref>''' Hann var lögmaðr svo mikill ''': " Eldri sögur, sem vjer vitum aldr á, gæta þessa vandl. og segja ávalt lögsögumaðr t.d. Íslendingabók, Kristnisaga, Hungrvaka, Rafnssaga." [[Guðbrandur Vigfússon. Rök um aldr Njálu]] (s. 148)</ref> að engi fannst hans jafningi. Vitur var hann og forspár, heilráður og góðgjarn og var allt að ráði það er hann réð mönnum, hógvær og drenglyndur. Hann leysti hvers manns vandræði er á hans fund kom.

Bergþóra hét kona hans. Hún var Skarphéðinsdóttir, kvenskörungur mikill og drengur góður og nokkuð skaphörð. Þau áttu sex börn, dætur þrjár og sonu þrjá og koma þeir allir við þessa sögu síðan.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 020

2019-06-04T14:38:12Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 20==

There was a man whose name was Njal.<ref>'''Njal''': "But, as the centuries passed their stories were dissolved into the mainstream of Norse tradition: their Celtic origins were forgotten, and these stories became part of the common stock. There is some excellent evidence in favour of this. For instance, the names Njáll and Kormákr: both names are unquestionably Irish, yet neither of the sagas of these two gives any hint of an Irish connection in the families of the heroes. … One must conclude that the authors simply were not aware that the names were Irish." [[Robinson, Peter. Vikings and Celts]] (p. 131).</ref> He was the son of Thorgeir Gelling, the son of Thorolf. Njal's mother's name was Asgerda. Njal dwelt at Bergthorsknoll in the land-isles; he had another homestead on Thorolfsfell. Njal was wealthy in goods, and handsome of face; no beard grew on his chin.<ref>'''no beard grew on his chin''': "If we turn our gaze from this opening drama of Hrútr, we see another figure in whom virility is in question: at the centre of the saga is the effeminate visage of Njáll himself. No beard ever grew on him- ''honum óx eigi skegg''. Yet he had seven children." [[Dronke, Ursula. The Role of Sexual Themes in Njáls Saga]] (p. 11)</ref><ref>''' no beard grew on his chin ''': “One may say that in general to be bald, to be unable to grow a beard, or to have one’s hair cut off is taken as symbolic of a lack of masculinity and to that extent is comparable to the emasculating effects of castration; insofar as the Lacanian phallus is implicated in the construction of gender, then hair may be seen as “loosely analogous” to it. Nevertheless, the detailed picture is more complex and more ambivalent than this.” [[Phelpstead, Carl. Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland]] (p. 15). </ref> He was so great a lawyer,<ref>''' He was so great a lawyer ''': " Eldri sögur, sem vjer vitum aldr á, gæta þessa vandl. og segja ávalt lögsögumaðr t.d. Íslendingabók, Kristnisaga, Hungrvaka, Rafnssaga." [[Guðbrandur Vigfússon. Rök um aldr Njálu]] (p. 148)</ref> that his match was not to be found. Wise too he was, and foreknowing and foresighted. Of good counsel, and ready to give it, and all that he advised men was sure to be the best for them to do. Gentle and generous, he unravelled every man's knotty points who came to see him about them. Bergthora was his wife's name; she was Skarphedinn's daughter, a very high- spirited, brave-hearted woman, but somewhat hard-tempered. They had six children, three daughters and three sons, and they all come afterwards into this story.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 20==

Njáll<ref>'''Njáll''': "But, as the centuries passed their stories were dissolved into the mainstream of Norse tradition: their Celtic origins were forgotten, and these stories became part of the common stock. There is some excellent evidence in favour of this. For instance, the names Njáll and Kormákr: both names are unquestionably Irish, yet neither of the sagas of these two gives any hint of an Irish connection in the families of the heroes. … One must conclude that the authors simply were not aware that the names were Irish." [[Robinson, Peter. Vikings and Celts]] (s. 131).</ref> hét maður. Hann var sonur Þorgeirs gollings Þórólfssonar. Móðir Njáls hét Ásgerður og var dóttir Árs hersis hins ómálga. Hún hafði komið út hingað til Íslands og numið land fyrir austan Markarfljót milli Öldusteins og Seljalandsmúla. Sonur hennar var Holta-Þórir, faðir þeirra Þorleifs kráks, er Skógverjar eru frá komnir, og Þorgríms hins mikla og Skorar-Geirs.

Njáll bjó að Bergþórshvoli í Landeyjum. Annað bú átti hann í Þórólfsfelli. Njáll var vel auðigur að fé og vænn að áliti. Honum vóx eigi skegg.<ref>'''honum vóx eigi skegg''': "If we turn our gaze from this opening drama of Hrútr, we see another figure in whom virility is in question: at the centre of the saga is the effeminate visage of Njáll himself. No beard ever grew on him- ''honum óx eigi skegg''. Yet he had seven children." [[Dronke, Ursula. The Role of Sexual Themes in Njáls Saga]] (s. 11)</ref><ref>''' honum óx eigi skegg ''': “One may say that in general to be bald, to be unable to grow a beard, or to have one’s hair cut off is taken as symbolic of a lack of masculinity and to that extent is comparable to the emasculating effects of castration; insofar as the Lacanian phallus is implicated in the construction of gender, then hair may be seen as “loosely analogous” to it. Nevertheless, the detailed picture is more complex and more ambivalent than this.” [[Phelpstead, Carl. Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland]] (s. 15). </ref> Hann var lögmaður svo mikill<ref>''' Hann var lögmaðr svo mikill ''': " Eldri sögur, sem vjer vitum aldr á, gæta þessa vandl. og segja ávalt lögsögumaðr t.d. Íslendingabók, Kristnisaga, Hungrvaka, Rafnssaga." [[Guðbrandur Vigfússon. Rök um aldr Njálu]] (s. 148)</ref> að engi fannst hans jafningi. Vitur var hann og forspár, heilráður og góðgjarn og var allt að ráði það er hann réð mönnum, hógvær og drenglyndur. Hann leysti hvers manns vandræði er á hans fund kom.

Bergþóra hét kona hans. Hún var Skarphéðinsdóttir, kvenskörungur mikill og drengur góður og nokkuð skaphörð. Þau áttu sex börn, dætur þrjár og sonu þrjá og koma þeir allir við þessa sögu síðan.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Phelpstead, Carl. Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland

2019-06-04T14:34:49Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Phelpstead, Carl
* '''Title''': Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland
* '''Published in''': ''Scandinavian Studies'' 85/1
* '''Year''': 2013
* '''Pages''': 1-19
* '''E-text''': [http://search.proquest.com/docview/1467533019/fulltextPDF/E08E1AB294A646F7PQ/1?accountid=28822 ProQuest]
* '''Reference''': Phelpstead, Carl. "Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland." ''Scandinavian Studies'' 85/1 (2013): 1-19.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
[...]a psychoanalytical approach that takes account of historical context might provide a path between cultural constructionism (where because everything is "cultural" the concept of "culture" becomes meaningless) and biological determinism (where biology explains everything, leaving no space for meaning) (cf. Gender is constructed in relation to this social signifier so that, as Robert Mills puts it, the (Lacanian) phallus represents "what male subjects (think they) have and what female subjects (are considered, culturally speaking, to) lack" (2004, 110). Because the phallus, in Lacan's sense, is symbolic, it need not necessarily be associated with the penis.
----
Inspired by Lacan and Freud’s writings about the phallic symbol and Robert Mills’ analysis of the tonsure in medieval Europe, Phelpstead analyses the function and importance of hair to denote masculinity in medieval Scandinavia. He examines forced shaving, vowed hair-cutting, and the natural loss of hair. Phelpstead analyzes the use of baldness for characters in case studies from ''Egils saga Skallagrímssonar'' and ''Auðunar þáttr vestfirzka''. He examines beardlessness and the tonsure in the context of the Íslendingasögur, particularly using ''Njáls saga''. He discusses some of the historiography of the Celtic tonsure and its appearance, as well as how the tonsure signified feminine characteristics for the clergy that wore it, using grammatical and anecdotal evidence from the sagas.

==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==

==References==
===Egils saga===

===Njáls saga===
[[Njála,_020| Chapter 20]]: ''' hann ók eigi í skegg sér ''': “One may say that in general to be bald, to be unable to grow a beard, or to have one’s hair cut off is taken as symbolic of a lack of masculinity and to that extent is comparable to the emasculating effects of castration; insofar as the Lacanian phallus is implicated in the construction of gender, then hair may be seen as “loosely analogous” to it. Nevertheless, the detailed picture is more complex and more ambivalent than this.” (p. 15)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Carl Phelpstead/Jane Kern
* ''Icelandic translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Talk:Phelpstead, Carl. Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland

2019-06-04T14:29:41Z

Andri: Created page with "Það á eftir að lesa textann aftur og finna tilvitnanir í Egils sögu -Andri M."

Það á eftir að lesa textann aftur og finna tilvitnanir í Egils sögu
-Andri M.

Phelpstead, Carl. Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland

2019-06-04T14:27:48Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Phelpstead, Carl
* '''Title''': Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland
* '''Published in''': ''Scandinavian Studies'' 85/1
* '''Year''': 2013
* '''Pages''': 1-19
* '''E-text''': [http://search.proquest.com/docview/1467533019/fulltextPDF/E08E1AB294A646F7PQ/1?accountid=28822 ProQuest]
* '''Reference''': Phelpstead, Carl. "Hair Today, Gone Tomorrow: Hair Loss, the Tonsure, and Masculinity in Medieval Iceland." ''Scandinavian Studies'' 85/1 (2013): 1-19.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
[...]a psychoanalytical approach that takes account of historical context might provide a path between cultural constructionism (where because everything is "cultural" the concept of "culture" becomes meaningless) and biological determinism (where biology explains everything, leaving no space for meaning) (cf. Gender is constructed in relation to this social signifier so that, as Robert Mills puts it, the (Lacanian) phallus represents "what male subjects (think they) have and what female subjects (are considered, culturally speaking, to) lack" (2004, 110). Because the phallus, in Lacan's sense, is symbolic, it need not necessarily be associated with the penis.
----
Inspired by Lacan and Freud’s writings about the phallic symbol and Robert Mills’ analysis of the tonsure in medieval Europe, Phelpstead analyses the function and importance of hair to denote masculinity in medieval Scandinavia. He examines forced shaving, vowed hair-cutting, and the natural loss of hair. Phelpstead analyzes the use of baldness for characters in case studies from ''Egils saga Skallagrímssonar'' and ''Auðunar þáttr vestfirzka''. He examines beardlessness and the tonsure in the context of the Íslendingasögur, particularly using ''Njáls saga''. He discusses some of the historiography of the Celtic tonsure and its appearance, as well as how the tonsure signified feminine characteristics for the clergy that wore it, using grammatical and anecdotal evidence from the sagas.

==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==

==References==
===Egils saga===

===Njáls saga===
[[Njála,_044| Chapter 44]]: ''' hann ók eigi í skegg sér ''': “One may say that in general to be bald, to be unable to grow a beard, or to have one’s hair cut off is taken as symbolic of a lack of masculinity and to that extent is comparable to the emasculating effects of castration; insofar as the Lacanian phallus is implicated in the construction of gender, then hair may be seen as “loosely analogous” to it. Nevertheless, the detailed picture is more complex and more ambivalent than this.” (p. 15)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Carl Phelpstead/Jane Kern
* ''Icelandic translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 044

2019-06-04T14:16:27Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 44==

Now men ride home from the Thing; and when Gunnar came home, he said to Sigmund, "Thou art a more unlucky man than I thought, and turnest thy good gifts to thine own ill. But still I have made peace for thee with Njal and his sons; and now, take care that thou dost not let another fly come into thy mouth. Thou art not at all after my mind, thou goest about with jibes and jeers, with scorn and mocking; but that is not my turn of mind. That is why thou gettest on so well with Hallgerda, because ye two have your minds more alike."

Gunnar scolded him a long time, and he answered him well, and said he would follow his counsel more for the time to come than he had followed it hitherto. Gunnar told him then they might get on together. Gunnar and Njal kept up their friendship though the rest of their people saw little of one another. It happened once that some gangrel women came to Lithend from Bergthorsknoll; they were great gossips and rather spiteful tongued. Hallgerda had a bower, and sate often in it, and there sate with her her daughter Thorgerda, and there too were Thrain and Sigmund, and a crowd of women. Gunnar was not there, nor Kolskegg. These gangrel women went into the bower, and Hallgerda greeted them, and made room for them; then she asked them for news, but they had none to tell. Hallgerda asked where they had been overnight; they said at Bergthorsknoll.

"What was Njal doing?" she says.

"He was hard at work sitting still," they said.

"What were Njal's sons doing?" she says; "they think themselves men at any rate."

"Tall men they are in growth," they say, "but as yet they are all untried; Skarphedinn whetted an axe, Gim fitted a spearhead to the shaft, Helgi riveted a hilt on a sword, Hauskuld strengthened the handle of a shield."

"They must be bent on some great deed," says Hallgerda.

"We do not know that," they say.

"What were Njal's house-carles doing?" she asks.

"We don't know what some of them were doing, but one was carting dung up the hill-side."

"What good was there in doing that?" she asks.

"He said it made the swathe better there than anywhere else," they reply. "Witless now is Njal," says Hallgerda, "though he knows how to give counsel on everything."

"How so?" they ask.

"I will only bring forward what is true to prove it," says she; "why doesn't he make them cart dung over his beard that he may be like other men? Let us call him 'the Beardless Carle': but his sons we will call 'Dung-beardlings';<ref>'''but his sons we will call 'Dung-beardlings''': "How do you get dung on your face? You engage in sloppily performed coprophagy, the sterilized Greek term for shit-eating. Or you can come by coprophagy and the facesmearing incidentically, as an inevitable side-effect of engaging in oral–anal sex with farm animals." [[Miller, William Ian. Bergthora vs. Hallgerd, Part II: Some Facts]] (p. 105).</ref> and now do pray give some stave about them, Sigmund, and let us get some good by thy gift of song."

"I am quite ready to do that," says he, and sang these verses:

"Lady proud with hawk in hand,
Prithee why should dungbeard boys,
Reft of reason, dare to hammer
Handle fast on battle shield?
For these lads of loathly feature--
Lady scattering swanbath's beams --
Shaft not shun this ditty shameful
Which I shape upon them now.

He the beardless carle shall listen
While I lash him with abuse,
Loon at whom our stomachs sicken,
Soon shall bear these words of scorn;
Far too nice for such base fellows
Is the name my bounty gives,
Een my muse her help refuses,
Making mirth of dungbeard boys.

Here I find a nickname fitting
For those noisome dungbeard boys,--
Loath am I to break my bargain
Linked with such a noble man--
Knit we all our taunts together--
Known to me is mind of man--
Call we now with outburst common,
Him, that churl, the beardless carle."

Thou art a jewel indeed," says Hallgerda; " how yielding thou art to what I ask!"

Just then Gunnar came in. He had been standing outside the door of the bower, and heard all the words that had passed. They were in a great fright when they saw him come in, and then all held their peace, but before there had been bursts of laughter.

Gunnar was very wroth, and said to Sigmund, "Thou art a foolish man, and one that cannot keep to good advice, and thou revilest Njal's sons, and Njal himself who is most worth of all; and this thou doest in spite of what thou hast already done. Mind, this will be thy death. But if any man repeats these words that thou hast spoken, or these verses that thou hast made, that man shall be sent away at once, and have my wrath beside."

But they were all so sore afraid of him, that no one dared to repeat those words. After that he went away, but the gangrel women talked among themselves, and said that they would get a reward from Bergthora if they told her all this.

They went then away afterwards down thither, and took Bergthora aside and told her the whole story of their own free will.

Bergthora spoke and said, when men sate down to the board, "Gifts have been given to all of you, father and sons, and ye will be no true men unless ye repay them somehow."

"What gifts are these? " asks Skarphedinn.

"You, my sons," says Bergthora, "have got one gift between you all. Ye are nicknamed 'Dungbeardlings,' but my husband 'the Beardless Carle.'"

"Ours is no woman's nature," says Skarphedinn, "that we should fly into a rage at every little thing."

"And yet Gunnar was wroth for your sakes," says she, "and he is thought to be good-tempered. But if ye do not take vengeance for this wrong, ye will avenge no shame."

"The carline, our mother, thinks this fine sport," says Skarphedinn, and smiled scornfully as he spoke, but still the sweat burst out upon his brow,<ref>''' smiled scornfully as he spoke, but still the sweat burst out upon his brow ''': “Saaga kuvaa, miten ”Skarpheðinn virnuili, mutta hiki helmeili hänen otsallaan ja punaiset läiskät ilmestyivät hänen poskilleen, vaikka niin ei yleensä käynyt”. -- Iholle siirtyvä viha näyttäytyy siis edellä mainituissa esimerkeissä eräänlaisena pahaenteisenä merkkinä voimakkaasta vihasta, joka tulee muuttumaan teoiksi ja toiminnaksi ennemmin tai myöhemmin.” [[Kanerva, Kirsi. Hyvä ja paha viha,]] (p. 216). </ref> and red flecks came over his checks, but that was not his wont. Grim was silent and bit his lip. Helgi made no sign, and he said never a word. Hauskuld went off with Bergthora; she came into the room again, and fretted and foamed much.

Njal spoke and said, "'Slow and sure,' says the proverb, mistress! and so it is with many things, though they try men's tempers, that there are always two sides to a story, even when vengeance is taken."

But at even when Njal was come into his bed, he heard that an axe came against the panel and rang loudly, but there was another shut bed, and there the shields were hung up, and he sees that they are away. He said, "Who have taken down our shields?"

"Thy sons went out with them," says Bergthora.

Njal pulled his shoes on his feet, and went out at once, and round to the other side of the house, and sees that they were taking their course right up the slope; he said, "Whither away, Skarphedinn?"

"To look after thy sheep," he answers.

"You would not then be armed," said Njal, "if you meant that, and your errand must be something else."

Then Skarphedinn sang a song,

"Squanderer of hoarded wealth,
Some there are that own rich treasure,
Ore of sea that clasps the earth,
And yet care to count their sheep;
Those who forge sharp songs of mocking,
Death songs, scarcely can possess
Sense of sheep that crop the grass;
Such as these I seek in fight;"

and said afterwards, "We shall fish for salmon, father."

"'Twould be well then if it turned out so that the prey does not get away from you."

They went their way, but Njal went to his bed, and he said to Bergthora, "Thy sons were out of doors all of them, with arms, and now thou must have egged them<ref>'''thou must have egged them''': "Here it is Berghora's ability to influence her sons (privately, unofficially, yet persistently) that effectively undermines Njaill's efforts to negotiate an end to the feud using official, public means. … These women performed in the more private space. In addition to the social-legal concept of official public space, with its center at the Althing, there was another spatial dimension with the farmstead as the center and the world outside as the periphery." [[Borovsky, Zoe. Never in Public]] (p. 15).</ref> on to something."

"I will give them my heartfelt thanks," said Bergthora, "if they tell me the slaying of Sigmund."

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 44==

Nú ríða menn heim af þingi. Og er Gunnar kom heim mælti hann til Sigmundar: „Meiri ertu ógiftumaður en eg ætlaði og hefir þú til ills þína mennt. En þó hefi eg þig nú gert sáttan og skalt þú nú eigi láta annarri flugu koma í munn þér. Ert þú mér ekki skaplíkur. Þú ferð með spott og háð en það er ekki mitt skap. Kemur þú þér því vel við Hallgerði að þið eigið meir skap saman.“

Gunnar taldi á hann langa hríð. Hann svaraði honum vel og kvaðst meir hans ráðum skyldu fram fara þaðan af en þar til. Gunnar sagði það hlýða mundu.

Hélst vinátta með þeim Gunnari og Njáli þótt fátt væri meðal annars liðsins.

Sá atburður varð að farandi konur komu til Hlíðarenda frá Bergþórshvoli. Þær voru málgar og heldur illorðar. Hallgerður átti dyngju og sat hún þar oftlega í. Þar var Þorgerður dóttir hennar. Þar var Þráinn og Sigmundur og fjöldi kvenna. Gunnar var eigi þar né Kolskeggur. Farandkonur þessar gengu inn í dyngjuna. Hallgerður heilsaði þeim og lét gefa þeim rúm og spurði hvar þær voru um nóttina. Þær sögðu að Bergþórshvoli.

„Hvað hafðist Njáll að?“ segir hún.

„Stritaðist hann við að sitja,“ sögðu þær.

„Hvað gerðu synir Njáls?“ sagði hún. „Þeir þykjast nú helst menn.“

„Miklir eru þeir vexti en óreyndir eru þeir mjög,“ sögðu þær. „Skarphéðinn hvatti öxi, Grímur skefti spjót, Helgi hnauð hjalt á sverð, Höskuldur treysti mundriða í skildi.“

„Til stórræða nokkurra munu þeir ætla,“ segir Hallgerður.

„Eigi vitum við það,“ segja þær.

„Hvað gerðu húskarlar Njáls?“ segir hún.

„Eigi vissum við það hvað sumir gerðu. Einn ók skarni á hóla.“

„Hví mundi það sæta?“ segir hún.

„Það sagði hann að þar yrði taða betri en annars staðar,“ sögðu þær.

„Misvitur er Njáll,“ segir Hallgerður, „þar er hann kann til hversvetna ráð.“

„Hvað er í því?“ sögðu þær.

„Það mun eg til finna er satt er er hann ók eigi í skegg sér að hann væri sem aðrir karlmenn og köllum karl hinn skegglausa en sonu hans taðskegglinga<ref>'''en sonu hans taðskegglinga''': "How do you get dung on your face? You engage in sloppily performed coprophagy, the sterilized Greek term for shit-eating. Or you can come by coprophagy and the facesmearing incidentically, as an inevitable side-effect of engaging in oral–anal sex with farm animals." [[Miller, William Ian. Bergthora vs. Hallgerd, Part II: Some Facts]] (s. 105).</ref> og kveð þú um nokkuð, Sigmundur, og lát oss njóta þess er þú ert skáld.“

„Þess er eg albúinn“ og kvað vísur þessar:

12. Hvað skulu, hauka setra

Hildur, mundriða í skildi

trauðir tryggra ráða

taðskegglingar negla?

því að sviphnuggnir seggir,

svanteigs, megu eigi,

elda björk, þau er yrkjum

orð háðuleg forðast.

13. Karlinn spyri orða illra,

einsætt er það, greinir,

vomur nemur víst í tómi

vort raus, hinn skegglausi;

hoddveitir gefur heiti

helst gott af spotti,

ljóð sem eg trautt um trúða,

taðskegglingum, vegleg.

14. Gert er maklegast miklu

meins leitöndum heiti,

trauður rauf eg tryggðir, síðan

taðskegglingum neglist;

heiti karl en knýtum,

kanna eg oft hugi manna,

skjótt í skömmu máli,

skegglaus tali seggja.

„Gersemi ert þú,“ sagði Hallgerður, „hversu þú ert mér eftirlátur.“

Þá kom Gunnar að í því. Hann hafði staðið fyrir framan dyngjuna og heyrði öll orðtækin. Brá þeim mjög við er þau sáu hann inn ganga. Þögnuðu þá allir en áður hafði verið hlátur mikill.

Gunnar var reiður mjög og mælti til Sigmundar: „Heimskur maður ertu og óráðhollur. Þú hrópar sonu Njáls og sjálfan hann er þó er mest vert og slíkt sem þú hefir þeim áður gert og mun þetta vera þinn bani. En ef nokkur maður hermir þessi orð þá skal sá í brottu verða og hafa þó reiði mína.“

En svo var þeim öllum ótti mikill að honum að engi þorði þessi orð að herma. Síðan gekk hann í braut.

Farandkonurnar töluðu með sér að þær mundu taka laun af Bergþóru ef þær segðu henni þetta, fóru síðan ofan þangað og sögðu Bergþóru á laun ófregið.

Bergþóra mælti er menn sátu undir borðum: „Gjafir eru yður gefnar feðgum og verðið þér litlir drengir ef þér launið öngu.“

„Hversu eru gjafir þær?“ segir Skarphéðinn.

„Þér synir mínir áttuð eina gjöf allir saman. Þér eruð kallaðir taðskegglingar en bóndi minn karl hinn skegglausi.“

„Ekki höfum vér kvenna skap,“ segir Skarphéðinn, „að vér reiðumst við öllu.“

„Reiddist Gunnar fyrir yðra hönd,“ segir hún, „og þykir hann skapgóður. Og ef þér rekið eigi þessa réttar þá munuð þér öngrar skammar reka.“

„Gaman þykir kerlingunni að, móður vorri,“ segir Skarphéðinn og glotti en þó spratt honum sveiti í enni<ref>''' glotti en þó spratt honum sveiti í enni ''': “Saaga kuvaa, miten ”Skarpheðinn virnuili, mutta hiki helmeili hänen otsallaan ja punaiset läiskät ilmestyivät hänen poskilleen, vaikka niin ei yleensä käynyt”. -- Iholle siirtyvä viha näyttäytyy siis edellä mainituissa esimerkeissä eräänlaisena pahaenteisenä merkkinä voimakkaasta vihasta, joka tulee muuttumaan teoiksi ja toiminnaksi ennemmin tai myöhemmin.” [[Kanerva, Kirsi. Hyvä ja paha viha,]] (s. 216). </ref> og komu rauðir flekkar í kinnur honum en því var ekki vant.

Grímur var hljóður og beit á vörinni. Helga brá ekki við. Höskuldur gekk fram með Bergþóru. Hún kom innar og geisaði mjög.

Njáll mælti: „Kemst þó að seint fari, húsfreyja. Og fer svo um mörg mál þótt menn hafi skapraun af að jafnan orkar tvímælis þótt hefnt sé.“

En um kveldið er Njáll var kominn í rekkju heyrði hann að öx kom við þilið og söng hátt í en lokrekkja var önnur og héngu þar á skildir og sér hann að þeir eru í brottu.

Hann mælti: „Hverjir hafa tekið ofan skjöldu vora?“

„Synir þínir gengu út með þá,“ segir Bergþóra.

Njáll gekk út þegar og öðrum megin hússins og sér að þeir stefna upp á hálsinn.

Hann mælti: „Hvert skal fara, Skarphéðinn?“

„Leita sauða þinna.“

Njáll segir: „Ekki munduð þér þá vopnaðir ef þér ætluðuð það og mun annað vera erindið.“

Skarphéðinn kvað þá vísu:

15. Eru umgerðis jarðar,

auðs varpandi, sauða

eisu einkar fúsir

oftveitandar leita.

Þeir hafa, seima særir,

smíðendur drafníða,

geystur um geira róstu.

grasbítar skyn lítið.

Og mælti síðan: „Laxa skulum vér veiða, faðir.“

„Vel væri þá ef svo væri að þá veiði bæri eigi undan.“

Þeir fóru en Njáll gekk til hvílu sinnar.

Hann mælti til Bergþóru: „Úti voru synir þínir með vopnum allir og munt þú nú hafa eggjað þá<ref>'''munt þú nú hafa eggjað þá''': "Here it is Berghora's ability to influence her sons (privately, unofficially, yet persistently) that effectively undermines Njaill's efforts to negotiate an end to the feud using official, public means. … These women performed in the more private space. In addition to the social-legal concept of official public space, with its center at the Althing, there was another spatial dimension with the farmstead as the center and the world outside as the periphery." [[Borovsky, Zoe. Never in Public]] (s. 15).</ref> upp til nokkurs.“

„Allvel skal eg þakka þeim ef þeir segja mér víg Sigmundar.“

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Njála, 019

2019-06-04T14:12:59Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 19==

There was a man whose name was Gunnar. He was one of Unna's kinsmen, and his mother's name was Rannveig. Gunnar's father was named Hamond.

Gunnar Hamond's son dwelt at Lithend, in the Fleetlithe. He was a tall man in growth, and a strong man - best skilled in arms of all men. He could cut or thrust or shoot if he chose as well with his left as with his right hand, and he smote so swiftly with his sword, that three seemed to flash through the air at once. He was the best shot with the bow of all men, and never missed his mark. He could leap more than his own height, with all his war-gear, and as far backwards as forwards. He could swim like a seal, and there was no game in which it was any good for anyone to strive with him; and so it has been said that no man was his match. He was handsome of feature, and fair skinned.<ref>''' He was handsome of feature, and fair skinned.''': “Keskiajalla iholle annettiin monia merkityksiä. Lääkärit katsoivat ihon paljastavan sairauksia, kun taas kirkolliselle taholle iho kertoi myös sielullisen tilan.--Katkelma luo kuvan kaikin puolin fyysisesti komeasta ja terveestä miehestä, jonka ihokin on pyhimyksellisen vaalea.” [[Kanerva, Kirsi. Hyvä ja paha viha,]] (p. 220). </ref> His nose was straight, and a little turned up at the end. He was blue-eyed and bright-eyed, and ruddy-cheeked. His hair thick, and of good hue, and hanging down in comely curls. The most courteous of men was he, of sturdy frame and strong will, bountiful and gentle, a fast friend, but hard to please when making them. He was wealthy in goods.

His brother's name was Kolskegg; he was a tall strong man, a noble fellow, and undaunted in everything. Another brother's name was Hjort; he was then in his childhood. Orm Skogarnef was a base-born brother of Gunnar's; he does not come into this story. Arnguda was the name of Gunnar's sister. Hroar, the priest at Tongue, had her to wife.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 19==
Gunnar hét maður. Hann var frændi Unnar. Rannveig hét móðir hans og var Sigfúsdóttir Sighvatssonar hins rauða. Hann var veginn við Sandhólaferju. Faðir Gunnars hét Hámundur og var sonur Gunnars Baugssonar. Við þann er kennt Gunnarsholt. Móðir Hámundar hét Hrafnhildur. Hún var Stórólfsdóttir Hængssonar. Stórólfur var bróðir Hrafns lögsögumanns. Sonur Stórólfs var Ormur hinn sterki.

Gunnar Hámundarson bjó að Hlíðarenda í Fljótshlíð. Hann var mikill maður vexti og sterkur, manna best vígur. Hann hjó báðum höndum og skaut ef hann vildi og hann vó svo skjótt með sverði að þrjú þóttu á lofti að sjá. Hann skaut manna best af boga og hæfði allt það er hann skaut til. Hann hljóp meir en hæð sína með öllum herklæðum og eigi skemmra aftur en fram fyrir sig. Hann var syndur sem selur og eigi var sá leikur er nokkur þyrfti við hann að keppa og hefir svo verið sagt að engi væri hans jafningi. Hann var vænn að yfirliti og ljóslitaður,<ref>''' vænn að yfirliti og ljóslitaður.''': “Keskiajalla iholle annettiin monia merkityksiä. Lääkärit katsoivat ihon paljastavan sairauksia, kun taas kirkolliselle taholle iho kertoi myös sielullisen tilan.--Katkelma luo kuvan kaikin puolin fyysisesti komeasta ja terveestä miehestä, jonka ihokin on pyhimyksellisen vaalea.” [[Kanerva, Kirsi. Hyvä ja paha viha,]] (s. 220). </ref> rétt nefjaður og hafið upp í framanvert, bláeygur og snareygur og roði í kinnunum, hárið mikið og fór vel og vel litt. Manna kurteisastur var hann og harðgjör í öllu, fémildur, stilltur vel, vinfastur og vinavandur. Hann var vel auðigur að fé.

Bróðir hans hét Kolskeggur. Hann var mikill maður og sterkur, drengur góður og öruggur í öllu. Annar bróðir hans hét Hjörtur. Hann var þá í barnæsku. Ormur skógarnef var bróðir Gunnars laungetinn; er hann ekki við þessa sögu. Arngunnur hét systir Gunnars. Hana átti Hróar Tungugoði, son Una hins óborna Garðarssonar. Sá fann Ísland. Son Arngunnar var Hámundur halti er bjó á Hámundarstöðum.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Kanerva, Kirsi. Hyvä ja paha viha,

2019-06-04T14:11:35Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Kanerva, Kirsi
* '''Title''': Hyvä ja paha viha
* '''Published in''': ''Hyvä elämä keskiajalla''
* '''Editors''': Marko Lamberg and Kirsi Kanerva
* '''Place, Publisher''': Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura
* '''Year''': 2014
* '''Pages''': 209-240
* '''E-text''': [http://www.academia.edu/8046369/Hyvä_ja_paha_viha academia.edu]
* '''Reference''': Kanerva, Kirsi. "Hyvä ja paha viha." ''Hyvä elämä keskiajalla''. Ed. Marko Lamberg and Kirsi Kanerva. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2014: 209-240.

----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
The article focuses on the signs of anger, indicated by saga characters such as Skarpheðinn and Gunnar. Anger interplays with the socio-cultural reality and norm codes in medieval Iceland, where strong, emotional outbursts were considered as abnormal. The article argues that although explicit, dramatic displays of feelings are rarely present in the sagas, the anger-related behaviour patterns can be found both in ''Njáls saga'' and ''Egils saga''. Anger is mostly expressed non-verbally, and would rather be reflected in one’s behaviour than through words. Appearance can give away emotions and, as Kanerva shows, also intentions. Furthermore, Kanerva notes the relation between anger and physical illness: Þórhallur’s anger, for example, causes his leg to swell.

When a male character has revenge on his mind, he is often depicted as being so deep in the state of anger he cannot speak. A common motif shows a character biting his lip or turning red or pale in his face (a subtle bodily response to angriness) before proceeding to commit acts of violence. Subsequently, these facial expressions linked to anger can be taken as predictors for hostility, although it might take some time for the actual violence to occur.

Kanerva views anger as an essential part of maintaining order in the honour-based society. She also discusses the difference between bad anger and noble anger. Noble anger is a natural reflex to triggering events such as the killing of one’s kinsmen. This type of anger is restrained, controlled, and somewhat hidden, and will not surface unless it calls for action. It will not show in any somatic way, but manifests itself later on in the narrative as a rightful, justified deed – a necessary action for defending family honour. Anger-management plays an important role in ''Njáls saga'', where the balance between honour and shame is constantly tested and even compromised. Kanerva points out that ''Hávamál’s'' ethics accept anger only when directed to enemies. If someone does the saga hero wrong, angriness and blood-vengeance will be the most likely consequences.

==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==

==References==
[[Njála,_019| Chapter 19]]: ''' vænn að yfirliti og ljóslitaður. ''': “Keskiajalla iholle annettiin monia merkityksiä. Lääkärit katsoivat ihon paljastavan sairauksia, kun taas kirkolliselle taholle iho kertoi myös sielullisen tilan.--Katkelma luo kuvan kaikin puolin fyysisesti komeasta ja terveestä miehestä, jonka ihokin on pyhimyksellisen vaalea.” (p. 220)

[[Njála,_044| Chapter 44]]: ''' glotti en þó spratt honum sveiti í enni ''': “Saaga kuvaa, miten ”Skarpheðinn virnuili, mutta hiki helmeili hänen otsallaan ja punaiset läiskät ilmestyivät hänen poskilleen, vaikka niin ei yleensä käynyt”. -- Iholle siirtyvä viha näyttäytyy siis edellä mainituissa esimerkeissä eräänlaisena pahaenteisenä merkkinä voimakkaasta vihasta, joka tulee muuttumaan teoiksi ja toiminnaksi ennemmin tai myöhemmin.” (p. 216)
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Jenni Penttilä
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Kanerva, Kirsi. Hyvä ja paha viha,

2019-06-04T14:04:54Z

Andri:

* '''Author''': Kanerva, Kirsi
* '''Title''': Hyvä ja paha viha
* '''Published in''': ''Hyvä elämä keskiajalla''
* '''Editors''': Marko Lamberg and Kirsi Kanerva
* '''Place, Publisher''': Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura
* '''Year''': 2014
* '''Pages''': 209-240
* '''E-text''': [http://www.academia.edu/8046369/Hyvä_ja_paha_viha academia.edu]
* '''Reference''': Kanerva, Kirsi. "Hyvä ja paha viha." ''Hyvä elämä keskiajalla''. Ed. Marko Lamberg and Kirsi Kanerva. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2014: 209-240.

----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==
The article focuses on the signs of anger, indicated by saga characters such as Skarpheðinn and Gunnar. Anger interplays with the socio-cultural reality and norm codes in medieval Iceland, where strong, emotional outbursts were considered as abnormal. The article argues that although explicit, dramatic displays of feelings are rarely present in the sagas, the anger-related behaviour patterns can be found both in ''Njáls saga'' and ''Egils saga''. Anger is mostly expressed non-verbally, and would rather be reflected in one’s behaviour than through words. Appearance can give away emotions and, as Kanerva shows, also intentions. Furthermore, Kanerva notes the relation between anger and physical illness: Þórhallur’s anger, for example, causes his leg to swell.

When a male character has revenge on his mind, he is often depicted as being so deep in the state of anger he cannot speak. A common motif shows a character biting his lip or turning red or pale in his face (a subtle bodily response to angriness) before proceeding to commit acts of violence. Subsequently, these facial expressions linked to anger can be taken as predictors for hostility, although it might take some time for the actual violence to occur.

Kanerva views anger as an essential part of maintaining order in the honour-based society. She also discusses the difference between bad anger and noble anger. Noble anger is a natural reflex to triggering events such as the killing of one’s kinsmen. This type of anger is restrained, controlled, and somewhat hidden, and will not surface unless it calls for action. It will not show in any somatic way, but manifests itself later on in the narrative as a rightful, justified deed – a necessary action for defending family honour. Anger-management plays an important role in ''Njáls saga'', where the balance between honour and shame is constantly tested and even compromised. Kanerva points out that ''Hávamál’s'' ethics accept anger only when directed to enemies. If someone does the saga hero wrong, angriness and blood-vengeance will be the most likely consequences.

==Lýsing==
Texta vantar

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Jenni Penttilä
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Kanerva, Kirsi. Hyvä ja paha viha,

2019-06-04T13:40:34Z

Andri:

Njála, 062

2019-06-04T13:12:20Z

Andri:

{{Njála_TOC}}

==Chapter 62==

Now we must go back and say that Gunnar rides east over Thurso water, but when he had gone a little way from the river, he grew very drowsy, and bade them lie down and rest there.

They did so. He fell fast asleep, and struggled much as he slumbered.

Then Kolskegg said, "Gunnar dreams now." But Hjort said, "I would like to wake him."

"That shall not be," said Kolskegg, "but he shall dream his dream out."

Gunnar lay, a very long while, and threw off his shield from him, and he grew very warm. Kolskegg said, "What hast thou dreamt, kinsman?"

"That have I dreamt," says Gunnar, "which if I had dreamt it there, I would never have ridden with so few men from Tongue."

"Tell us thy dream," says Kolskegg.

Then Gunnar sang a song:

"Chief, that chargest foes in fight!
Now I fear that I have ridden
Short of men from Tongue, this harvest;
Raven's fast I sure shall break.
Lord, that scatters Ocean's fire!
This, at least, I long to say,
Kite with wolf shall fight for marrow
Ill I dreamt with wandering thought."

"I dreamt, methought, that I was riding on by Knafaholes, and there I thought I saw many wolves,<ref>''' I thought I saw many wolves ''': ““The only animal fylgjur explicitly treated in this scene are the wolves, who represent, in a conventional literary sense, those who harbor hostile, predatory intent.” [[Friesen, William. Family Resemblances]] (p. 277). </ref> and they all made at me; but I turned away from them straight towards Rangriver, and then methought they pressed hard on me on all sides, but I kept them at bay, and shot all those that were foremost, till they came so close to me that I could not use my bow against them. Then I took my sword, and I smote with it with one hand, but thrust at them with my bill with the other. Shield myself then I did not, and methought then I knew not what shielded me. Then I slew many wolves, and thou, too, Kolskegg; but Hjort methought they pulled down, and tore open his breast, and one methought had his heart in his maw; but I grew so wroth that I hewed that wolf asunder just below the brisket, and after that methought the wolves turned and fled. Now my counsel is, brother Hjort, that thou ridest back west to Tongue."

"I will not do that," says Hjort; "though I know my death is sure, I will stand by thee still."

Then they rode and came east by Knafaholes, and Kolskegg said, "Seest thou, kinsman! Many spears stand up by the holes, and men with weapons."

"It does not take me unawares," says Gunnar, "that my dream comes true."

"What is best to be done now?" says Kolskegg; "I guess thou wilt not run away from them."

"They shall not have that to jeer about," says Gunnar, "but we will ride on down to the ness by Rangriver; there is some vantage ground there."

Now they rode on to the ness, and made them ready there, and as they rode on past them, Kol called out and said, "Whither art thou running to now, Gunnar?"

But Kolskegg said, "Say the same thing farther on when this day has come to an end."

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 62==
Nú er þar til máls að taka að Gunnar ríður austur yfir Þjórsá. En er hann kom skammt frá ánni syfjaði hann mjög og bað hann þá æja þar. Þeir gerðu svo. Hann sofnaði fast og lét illa í svefni.

Kolskeggur mælti: „Dreymir Gunnar nú.“

Hjörtur mælti: „Vekja vildi eg hann.“

„Eigi skal það,“ segir Kolskeggur, „og skal hann njóta draums síns.“

Gunnar lá mjög langa hríð og varp af sér skildinum og var honum varmt mjög.

Kolskeggur mælti: „Hvað hefir þig dreymt, frændi?“

„Það hefir mig dreymt að eg mundi eigi riðið hafa úr Tungu svo fámennur ef mig hefði þá þetta dreymt.“

„Seg oss draum þinn.“

Gunnar kvað:

19. Þykkjumst, flýtir flokka,

fámennur riðinn, sennu,

víst brá eg hrafns á hausti

hungri, brott úr Tungu,

því að, eldveitir öldu,

eg fýsumst það lýsa,

margur etur valur frá vargi

villur, dreymdi mig illa.

„Það dreymdi mig að eg þóttist ríða fram hjá Knafahólum. Þar þóttist eg sjá varga marga<ref>''' Þar þóttist eg sjá varga marga ''': ““The only animal fylgjur explicitly treated in this scene are the wolves, who represent, in a conventional literary sense, those who harbor hostile, predatory intent.” [[Friesen, William. Family Resemblances]] (s. 277). </ref> og sóttu þeir allir að mér en eg sneri undan og fram að Rangá. Þá þótti mér þeir sækja að öllum megin en eg varðist. Eg skaut alla þá er fremstir voru þar til er þeir gengu svo að mér að eg mátti eigi boganum við koma. Tók eg þá sverðið og vó eg með annarri hendi en lagði með atgeirinum annarri hendi. Hlífði eg mér þá ekki og þóttist eg þá eigi vita hvað mér hlífði. Drap eg þá marga varga og þú með mér, Kolskeggur, en Hjört þótti mér þeir hafa undir og slíta á honum brjóstið og hafði einn hjartað í munni sér. En eg þóttist verða svo reiður að eg hjó varginn í sundur fyrir aftan bóguna og eftir það þóttu mér stökkva vargarnir. Nú er það ráð mitt, Hjörtur frændi, að þú ríðir vestur aftur í Tungu.“

„Eigi vil eg það,“ segir Hjörtur. „Þótt eg viti vísan bana minn þá vil eg þér fylgja.“

Síðan riðu þeir og komu austur hjá Knafahólum.

Kolskeggur mælti: „Sérðu, frændi, mörg spjót koma upp hjá hólunum og menn með vopnum?“

„Ekki kemur mér það að óvörum,“ segir Gunnar, „að draumur minn sannist.“

„Hvað skal nú til ráða?“ segir Kolskeggur. „Eg get þess að þú viljir eigi renna undan þeim.“

„Ekki skulu þeir að því spotta,“ segir Gunnar, „en ríða munum vér fram að Rangá í nesið. Þar er vígi nokkuð.“

Ríða þeir nú fram í nesið og bjuggust þar við.

Kolur mælti er þeir riðu hjá fram: „Hvort skal nú renna, Gunnar?“

Kolskeggur mælti: „Seg þú svo fremi frá því er þessi dagur er allur.“

==Tilvísanir==

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==Links==

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]