WikiSaga - User contributions [en]

Vogt, Walther H.. Zur Komposition der Egils saga

2016-01-19T08:24:13Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Vogt, Walther H.
* '''Title''': ''Zur Komposition der Egils saga''
* '''Published in''':
* '''Place, Publisher''': Götlitz: Hoffmann & Reiber
* '''Year''': 1909
* '''Pages''': 1-34
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Vogt, Walther H. ''Zur Komposition der Egils saga. Kpp. I-LXXXIV.'' Götlitz: Hoffmann & Reiber, 1909.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The main argument of this work is that the ''Egils saga'' was composed by one inconsistently working author. This is concluded from volatile induction and processing of subsidiary subject matters. Only the chapters one to sixty-six are regarded, since, as Vogt claims, they constitute a closed, one-stringed composition, while the saga afterwards disperses into a two stringed narrative. Therefore, the supposition is made that the latter part, chapter sixty-seven onwards, must be older and hence folk-like, whereas the former part is younger and shows both unity in language, structure of speech and composition, which hints at an author’s thought process. The outcome of this study is that the author of ''Egils saga'' crafted the narrative until chapter sixty-six out of multiple different parts that existed loosely before the author wrote them down, influencing the narrative in that way, as it is recounted in the author’s perception. For the second part, the author maintained the folk-like structure and simply intertwined it with the former part.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Felix Lummer
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Vogt, Walther H.. Zur Komposition der Egils saga

2016-01-19T08:22:42Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Vogt, Walther H.
* '''Title''':
* '''Published in''': ''Zur Komposition der Egils saga. Kpp. I-LXXXIV.''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Götlitz: Hoffmann & Reiber
* '''Year''': 1909
* '''Pages''': 1-34
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Vogt, Walther H. ''Zur Komposition der Egils saga. Kpp. I-LXXXIV.'' Götlitz: Hoffmann & Reiber, 1909.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The main argument of this work is that the ''Egils saga'' was composed by one inconsistently working author. This is concluded from volatile induction and processing of subsidiary subject matters. Only the chapters one to sixty-six are regarded, since, as Vogt claims, they constitute a closed, one-stringed composition, while the saga afterwards disperses into a two stringed narrative. Therefore, the supposition is made that the latter part, chapter sixty-seven onwards, must be older and hence folk-like, whereas the former part is younger and shows both unity in language, structure of speech and composition, which hints at an author’s thought process. The outcome of this study is that the author of ''Egils saga'' crafted the narrative until chapter sixty-six out of multiple different parts that existed loosely before the author wrote them down, influencing the narrative in that way, as it is recounted in the author’s perception. For the second part, the author maintained the folk-like structure and simply intertwined it with the former part.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Felix Lummer
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Vogt, Walther H.. Zur Komposition der Egils saga

2016-01-19T08:22:10Z

Beth Rogers: /* Links */

* '''Author''': Vogt, Walther H.
* '''Title''':
* '''Published in''': ''Zur Komposition der Egils saga. Kpp. I-LXXXIV.''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Götlitz: Hoffmann & Reiber
* '''Year''': 1909
* '''Pages''':
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Vogt, Walther H. ''Zur Komposition der Egils saga. Kpp. I-LXXXIV.'' Götlitz: Hoffmann & Reiber, 1909.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The main argument of this work is that the ''Egils saga'' was composed by one inconsistently working author. This is concluded from volatile induction and processing of subsidiary subject matters. Only the chapters one to sixty-six are regarded, since, as Vogt claims, they constitute a closed, one-stringed composition, while the saga afterwards disperses into a two stringed narrative. Therefore, the supposition is made that the latter part, chapter sixty-seven onwards, must be older and hence folk-like, whereas the former part is younger and shows both unity in language, structure of speech and composition, which hints at an author’s thought process. The outcome of this study is that the author of ''Egils saga'' crafted the narrative until chapter sixty-six out of multiple different parts that existed loosely before the author wrote them down, influencing the narrative in that way, as it is recounted in the author’s perception. For the second part, the author maintained the folk-like structure and simply intertwined it with the former part.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Felix Lummer
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Vogt, Walther H.. Zur Komposition der Egils saga

2016-01-19T08:21:58Z

Beth Rogers: /* Annotation */

* '''Author''': Vogt, Walther H.
* '''Title''':
* '''Published in''': ''Zur Komposition der Egils saga. Kpp. I-LXXXIV.''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Götlitz: Hoffmann & Reiber
* '''Year''': 1909
* '''Pages''':
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Vogt, Walther H. ''Zur Komposition der Egils saga. Kpp. I-LXXXIV.'' Götlitz: Hoffmann & Reiber, 1909.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The main argument of this work is that the ''Egils saga'' was composed by one inconsistently working author. This is concluded from volatile induction and processing of subsidiary subject matters. Only the chapters one to sixty-six are regarded, since, as Vogt claims, they constitute a closed, one-stringed composition, while the saga afterwards disperses into a two stringed narrative. Therefore, the supposition is made that the latter part, chapter sixty-seven onwards, must be older and hence folk-like, whereas the former part is younger and shows both unity in language, structure of speech and composition, which hints at an author’s thought process. The outcome of this study is that the author of ''Egils saga'' crafted the narrative until chapter sixty-six out of multiple different parts that existed loosely before the author wrote them down, influencing the narrative in that way, as it is recounted in the author’s perception. For the second part, the author maintained the folk-like structure and simply intertwined it with the former part.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:''
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek

2016-01-19T08:13:04Z

Beth Rogers: /* Annotation */

* '''Author''': Unwerth, Wolf von
* '''Title''': Zu Egills Sonatorrek
* '''Published in''': ''Untersuchungen über Totenkult und Odinnverehrung bei Nordgermanen und Lappen''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Breslau: M. & H. Marcus<nowiki>Insert non-formatted text here</nowiki>
* '''Year''': 1911
* '''Pages''': 173-75
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Unwerth, Wolf von. "Zu Egills Sonatorrek." ''Untersuchungen über Totenkult und Odinnverehrung bei Nordgermanen und Lappen.'' Breslau: M. & H. Marcus, 1911, pp. 173–75.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

This excursus concerns compositional issues as well as content aspects of Egill’s ''Sonatorrek''. Von Unwerth speaks out against Neckel’s supposition that ''Sonatorrek'' is the product of Old English elegiac poetry influences on Egill and states that it represents Egill’s thoughts and his inner conflict, which finds its expression in the flawed succession of stanzas. Since Egill frequently refers to it, the prevailing mood of the poem is his son’s death.

The main text of the book also shortly touches on ''Sonatorrek'' (§55, pp. 104-109), where von Unwerth, too, discusses its content and composition. In addition, he concludes that ''Sonatorrek'' proves the perception that death by illness could also be seen as inflicted by Óðinn and likewise that of illness deceased and drowned are taken to Valhǫll. The excursus, however, does not take this conclusion into account.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

[[Egla,_78|Chapter 78]]: “Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten.“ (p. 174)

==Links==

* ''Written by:Felix Lummer
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Miller, William Ian. Justifying Skarpheðinn

2016-01-19T08:10:38Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Miller, William Ian
* '''Title''': Justifying Skarpheðinn: Of Pretext and Politics in the Icelandic Bloodfeud
* '''Place, Publisher''': Champaign, Illinois, University of Illinois Press
* '''Year''': 1983
* '''Pages''': 316-344
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Miller, William Ian. "Justifying Skarpheðinn: Of Pretext and Politics in the Icelandic Bloodfeud." ''Scandinavian Studies'' 55 (1983): 316-44.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

In this article, Millier refutes the idea that that Skarpheiðinn´s killing of Höskuldr in the narrative was a bloodthirsty act of senseless violence, unilaterally condemned by society, or that it was the result of Skarpheiðinn being tricked by Mörðr into committing such an act. Instead, Miller argues that the killing of Höskuldr was politically motivated and consistent with the dynamic of the feud as it is depicted within the saga. He also argues that in ''Njáls saga'', both parties manipulate the social rules which determine liability within feud structure to justify their violence as rightful retribution.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

[[Njála,_043|Chapter 43]]: '''Hvar skál þá komit :''' "When Skarpheðinn hears of Þórðr´s death he is no longer amused" (p. 321).

[[Njála,_098|Chapter 98]]: '''er nú til at ráða, ef þér vilið:''' "From Bergþóra´s egging of her sons to avenge their brother we get a small but sure hint that Höskuldr´s power has very much to do with their brother´s death" (p. 337)

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Beth Rogers
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Wolff-Marburg, Ludwig. Eddisch-Skaldische Blütenlese

2016-01-19T08:10:10Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Wolff-Marburg, Ludwig
* '''Title''': Eddisch-Skaldische Blütenlese (4. Zum Sonatorrek)
* '''Published in''': ''Edda, Skalden, Saga: Festschrift zum 70. Geburtstag von Felix Genzmer''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Heidelberg: Carl Winter – Universitätsverlag
* '''Year''': 1952
* '''Pages''': 105-107
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Wolff-Marburg, Ludwig. "Eddisch-Skaldische Blütenlese (4. Zum Sonatorrek)." ''Edda, Skalden, Saga: Festschrift zum 70. Geburtstag von Felix Genzmer,'' pp. 105-107. Heidelberg: Carl Winter – Universitätsverlag, 1952.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

In the author’s point of view, there is yet no satisfactory explanation for the third stanza of ''Sonatorrek''. Due to metric reasons, Wolff-Marburg rejects Finnur Jónsson’s and Sigurður Nordal’s approach to relate the first helming of the third stanza to the second stanza. Instead, he claims, the third stanza starts off the poem’s main theme – the loss of the son. In addition to his rejection, Wolff-Marburg offers an alternative reading to the second and third line of the third stanza. In contrast to read ''es lifnaði á nǫktveri'', he offers ''es lifa náði á nǫktveri'' (“he, who could live […] has the naked sea”), justified by the translation of ''lifna'' as “to stay alive.” The final conclusion, as the author states it, may be that in alteration or evolution of the perception of Valhǫll, Egill hopes for his son to be taken to Valhǫll, rather than to be received in Rán’s realm as the drowned are thought to be.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* Written by: Felix Lummer
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Wolff-Marburg, Ludwig. Eddisch-Skaldische Blütenlese

2016-01-19T08:09:50Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Wolff-Marburg, Ludwig
* '''Title''': Eddisch-Skaldische Blütenlese (4. Zum Sonatorrek)
* '''Published in''': ''Edda, Skalden, Saga: Festschrift zum 70. Geburtstag von Felix Genzmer''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Heidelberg: Carl Winter – Universitätsverlag
* '''Year''': 1952
* '''Pages''': 105-107
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Wolff-Marburg, Ludwig. "Eddisch-Skaldische Blütenlese (4. Zum Sonatorrek)." ''Edda, Skalden, Saga: Festschrift zum 70. Geburtstag von Felix Genzmer,'' pp. 105-107. Heidelberg: Carl Winter – Universitätsverlag, 1952.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

In the author’s point of view, there is yet no satisfactory explanation for the third stanza of ''Sonatorrek''. Due to metric reasons, Wolff-Marburg rejects Finnur Jónsson’s and Sigurður Nordal’s approach to relate the first helming of the third stanza to the second stanza. Instead, he claims, the third stanza starts off the poem’s main theme – the loss of the son. In addition to his rejection, Wolff-Marburg offers an alternative reading to the second and third line of the third stanza. In contrast to read ''es lifnaði á nǫktveri'', he offers ''es lifa náði á nǫktveri'' (“he, who could live […] has the naked sea”), justified by the translation of ''lifna'' as “to stay alive.” The final conclusion, as the author states it, may be that in alteration or evolution of the perception of Valhǫll, Egill hopes for his son to be taken to Valhǫll, rather than to be received in Rán’s realm as the drowned are thought to be.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by: Felix Lummer
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Wood, Cecil. Skúli Þórsteinsson

2016-01-19T08:07:23Z

Beth Rogers: /* References */

* '''Author''': Wood, Cecil
* '''Title''': Skúli Þórsteinsson
* '''Published in''': ''Scandinavian Studies'' 36
* '''Year''': 1964
* '''Pages''': 175-88
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Wood, Cecil. "Skúli Þórsteinsson." ''Scandinavian Studies'' 36 (1964): 175-88.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The article’s focus lies mostly on the literal sources Skúli himself produced. Therefore, the helmingar that survived in ''Snorra Edda'' and ''Svǫlðrardrápa'' are examined and alternative readings to what both Finnur Jónsson and Kock suggested are offered, where kennings or stanza meanings are uncertain. Besides the ''Svǫlðrardrápa'', there are references of Skúli’s poetic work used by Snorri. The two works in question are the explanation of ''Hǫlga haugþak'' as a ''kenning'' for gold as well as the attribution of the ''heiti árflognir'' to ravens. Besides the literal evidence of Skúli’s skaldic capabilities, there is further information about his persona. He states that the ''ætt'' of which Skúli descends is said to have Kveldúlfr as progenitor. Furthermore, Skúli was bestowed with the position of a jarl, thus also having military duties, which can be seen in his participation in the battle of Svolder, all in all granting him a good amount of reputation. Wood, therefore, raises the question why Skúli, who made a “perfect saga hero” (p. 188), was almost forgotten.
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

[[Egla,_87|Chapter 87]]: '''...hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó...:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." (p. 176)

==Links==

* ''Written by:''
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 87

2016-01-19T08:06:10Z

Beth Rogers: /* Kafli 87 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 87==

'''Thorstein goes to a feast'''

There was a man named Thorgeir, a kinsman and friend of Thorstein: he dwelt then at Swan-ness.<ref>'''...friend of Thorstein: he dwelt...:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." [[Wood, Cecil. Skúli Þórsteinsson]] (p. 176).</ref> Thorgeir was wont to have a harvest feast every autumn. He went to Thorstein Egil's son and asked him to his house. Thorstein promised to come, and Thorgeir went home. But on the appointed day Thorstein made him ready to go: it wanted then four weeks of winter. With Thorstein went an Easterling, his guest, and two house-carles. There was a son of Thorstein named Grim, who was then ten years old; he too went with Thorstein, thus they were five in all. And they rode out to Foss, there they crossed Long-river, then out, as the road lay, to Aurrida-river. On the outer bank of that river Steinar was at work, and Aunund, and their house-carles. And when they perceived Thorstein they ran to their weapons, then pursued his party. On seeing Steinar's pursuit, these rode outside Long-holt. There is a hillock, high and bare of wood. Thorstein's party dismounted there, and climbed the hillock. Thorstein bade the boy Grim go into the wood, and not be present at the encounter. As soon as Steinar and his company came to the hillock they set upon Thorstein's party, and there was a fight. There were in Steinar's band six grown men in all, and a seventh was Steinar's son, ten years old. This encounter was seen by those who were on the meadows from other farms, and they ran to part them. But by the time they were parted both Thorstein's house-carles had lost their lives, one house-carle of Steinar's had fallen, and several were wounded.

After they were parted Thorstein sought for Grim. And they found him sore wounded, while Steinar's son lay there by him dead. And when Thorstein leapt on his horse, then Steinar called after him, 'You run now, Thorstein the white.' Thorstein answered, 'You shall run further ere a week be out.'

Then Thorstein with his company rode out over the moor, taking with them the boy Grim. And when they came to the holt that is there, the boy died; and they buried him there in the holt, called since Grimsholt. And the place where they fought is called Battle-hillock.

Thorstein rode to Swan-ness that evening, as he had intended, and sat there at the feast three nights, after which he made him ready to go home. Men offered to go with him, but he would not; so he and his Easterling friend rode two together.

That same day Steinar, expecting that Thorstein would be riding home, rode out along the shore. But when he came to the dunes below Lamba-stead he lay in wait there. He had the sword named Skrymir, an excellent weapon. He stood there on the sandhill with drawn sword and eyes turned one way, for he saw Thorstein riding out on the sand. Lambi, who dwelt at Lamba-stead, saw what Steinar was doing. He left the house and went down the back, and, when he came to Steinar, he gripped him behind between the shoulders. Steinar tried to shake him off, but Lambi held fast, and so they went from the sandhill on to the level, and just then Thorstein and his friend rode by on the path below. Steinar had ridden thither on his stallion, which was now galloping inwards along the seashore. Thorstein and his friend saw this, and wondered, for they had perceived nothing of Steinar's coming. Then Steinar turned to regain the bank (for he saw not that Thorstein had ridden by). And as they came on the edge of the bank, Lambi suddenly threw Steinar from the sandhill down on to the flat sand, and himself ran home. As soon as he could get to his feet Steinar ran after Lambi. But when Lambi reached his house-door, he dashed in and slammed the door after him, Steinar aiming a blow after him so that the sword stuck in the wood of the door. There they parted, and Steinar went home.

But when Thorstein came home, he sent next day a house-carle out to Leiru-brook to bid Steinar move house beyond Borgar-hraun, else would he take advantage of this against Steinar when he had more power on his side, 'and you will then,' said he, 'have no choice of migration.' So Steinar prepared to go out to Snæfells-strand, and there he set up his household at a place called Ellida. And thus ended the dealings between him and Thorstein Egil's son.

Thorgeir Blund dwelt at Anabrekka. He proved a bad neighbour to Thorstein in every way that he could do so. On one occasion, when Egil and Thorstein met, they talked much about Thorgeir Blund their kinsman, and they both agreed about him. Then Egil sang:

'Steinar my word erewhile 
Stript of his fruitful acres: 
So did I hope to help 
The heir of Geir and Kettle. 
False, though he promised fair, 
My sister's son hath failed me. 
Blund now (whereat I wonder) 
Withholds him not from ill.' 

Thorgeir Blund left Anabrekka, and went south to Floka-dale; for Thorstein saw he could not get on with him, and yet wished to be forbearing. Thorstein was a man with no trickery, just, and never aggressive on others, but he held his own if others attacked him. But it proved disastrous to most to match their force with him.

Odd was then head-man in Borgar-firth, south of White-river. He was temple-priest, and ruled over that temple, to which all paid tribute within Skards-heath.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 87==

'''Heimboð við Þorstein'''

Þorgeir er maður nefndur. Hann var frændi Þorsteins og hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó í þenna tíma á Álftanesi.<ref>'''...hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó...:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." [[Wood, Cecil. Skúli Þórsteinsson]] (p. 176).</ref> Þorgeir var vanur að hafa haustboð hvert haust. Þorgeir fór til fundar við Þorstein Egilsson og bauð honum til sín. Þorsteinn hét ferðinni og fór Þorgeir heim.

En að ákveðnum degi bjóst Þorsteinn til farar og voru þá fjórar vikur til vetrar. Með Þorsteini fór Austmaður hans og húskarlar hans tveir. Grímur hét son Þorsteins. Hann var þá tíu vetra og fór og með Þorsteini og voru þeir fimm saman og riðu út til Foss og þar yfir Langá, síðan út sem leið lá til Aurriðaár.

En fyrir utan ána var Steinar á verki og Önundur og húskarlar þeirra. Og er þeir kenndu Þorstein þá hljópu þeir til vopna sinna og síðan eftir þeim Þorsteini. Og er Þorsteinn sá eftirför Steinars þá riðu þeir út af Langaholti. Þar er hóll einn hár og óvíður. Þar stíga þeir Þorsteinn af hestunum og sækja upp á hólinn. Þorsteinn mælti að sveinninn Grímur skyldi fara í skóginn og verða eigi við staddur fundinn. Og þegar er þeir Steinar koma að hólnum þá sækja þeir að þeim Þorsteini og varð þar bardagi. Þeir Steinar voru sex saman vaxnir menn en hinn sjöundi son Steinars, tíu vetra gamall. Þenna fund sáu þeir menn er voru á engiteigum af öðrum bæjum og runnu til að skilja þá. Og er þeir voru skildir þá voru látnir húskarlar Þorsteins báðir. Fallinn var og einn húskarl Steinars en sárir sumir.

Og er þeir voru skildir leitar Þorsteinn að hvar Grímur var og finna þeir hann. Var Grímur þá sár mjög og son Steinars lá þar hjá honum dauður.

Og er Þorsteinn hljóp á hest sinn þá kallaði Steinar á hann og mælti: „Rennur þú nú Þorsteinn hvíti?“ segir hann.

Þorsteinn segir: „Lengra skaltu renna áður vika sé liðin.“

Síðan riðu þeir Þorsteinn út yfir mýrina og höfðu með sér sveininn Grím. Og er þeir komu út í holt það er þar verður þá andast sveinninn og grófu þeir hann þar í holtið og er það kallað Grímsholt en þar heitir Orustuhvoll sem þeir börðust.

Þorsteinn reið á Álftanes um kveldið sem hann hafði ætlað og sat þar að boði þrjár nætur en síðan bjóst hann til heimferðar. Menn buðust til að fara með honum en hann vildi eigi. Riðu þeir tveir saman.

Og þann sama dag er Steinar vissi von að Þorsteinn mundi heim ríða þá reið Steinar út með sjó. Og er hann kom á mela þá er verða fyrir neðan Lambastaði þá settist hann þar á melinn. Hann hafði sverð það er Skrýmir hét, allra vopna best. Hann stóð þar á melnum með sverðið brugðið og horfði þá á einn veg því að hann sá þá reið Þorsteins utan um sandinn.

Lambi bjó á Lambastöðum og sá hvað Steinar hafðist að. Hann gekk heiman og ofan á bakkann og er hann kom að Steinari þá greip hann aftan undir hendur honum. Steinar vildi slíta hann af sér. Lambi hélt fast og fara þeir nú af melunum á sléttuna en þá ríða þeir Þorsteinn hið neðra götuna. Steinar hafði riðið stóðhesti sínum og hljóp hann inn með sjó. Það sáu þeir Þorsteinn og undruðust því að þeir höfðu ekki varir orðið við för Steinars. Þá þveraðist Steinar fram á bakkann því að hann sá eigi að Þorsteinn hefði um riðið. Og er þeir komu á bakkann framanverðan þá hratt Lambi honum fyrir melinn ofan en það varaðist Steinar ekki. Hann rasaði ofan á sandinn en Lambi hljóp heim. Og er Steinar komst á fætur þá rann hann eftir Lamba. En er Lambi kom að dyrum þá hljóp hann inn en rak aftur hurðina. Steinar hjó eftir honum svo að sverðið stóð fast í vindskeiðunum. Skildust þeir þar. Gekk Steinar heim.

En er Þorsteinn kom heim þá sendi hann um daginn eftir húskarl sinn út til Leirulækjar að segja Steinari að hann færði bústað sinn um Borgarhraun en að öðrum kosti mundi hann njóta þess við Steinar ef hann ætti fleira mannaforráð „og mun þá eigi kostur brottferðar.“

En Steinar bjó ferð sína út á Snæfellsströnd og þar setti hann bú saman er heitir að Elliða og lýkur þar viðskiptum þeirra Þorsteins Egilssonar.

Þorgeir blundur bjó að Ánabrekku. Hann veitti Þorsteini illar búsifjar í öllu því er hann mátti.

Það var eitt sinn er þeir hittust, Egill og Þorsteinn, að þeir ræddu margt um Þorgeir blund, frænda sinn, og komu allar ræður ásamt með þeim. Þá kvað Egill:

Spandi eg jörð með orðum 
endr Steinari úr hendi. 
Ég þóttumst þá orka 
arka Geirs til þarfar. 
Mér brást minnar systur 
mögr, hétumst þá fögru. 
Mátti eigi böls of bindast 
Blundr, eg slíkt of undrumst. 

Þorgeir blundur fór í brott frá Ánabrekku og fór suður í Flókadal því að Þorsteinn þóttist ekki mega við hann eiga en hann vildi þó vægjast þar við.

Þorsteinn var maður órefjusamur og réttlátur og óáleitinn við menn en hélt hlut sínum ef aðrir menn leituðu á hann enda veitti það heldur þungt flestum að etja kappi við hann.

Oddur var þá höfðingi í Borgarfirði fyrir sunnan Hvítá. Hann var hofsgoði og réð fyrir hofi því er allir menn guldu hoftoll til fyrir innan Skarðsheiði.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 87

2016-01-19T08:05:34Z

Beth Rogers: /* Chapter 87 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 87==

'''Thorstein goes to a feast'''

There was a man named Thorgeir, a kinsman and friend of Thorstein: he dwelt then at Swan-ness.<ref>'''...friend of Thorstein: he dwelt...:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." [[Wood, Cecil. Skúli Þórsteinsson]] (p. 176).</ref> Thorgeir was wont to have a harvest feast every autumn. He went to Thorstein Egil's son and asked him to his house. Thorstein promised to come, and Thorgeir went home. But on the appointed day Thorstein made him ready to go: it wanted then four weeks of winter. With Thorstein went an Easterling, his guest, and two house-carles. There was a son of Thorstein named Grim, who was then ten years old; he too went with Thorstein, thus they were five in all. And they rode out to Foss, there they crossed Long-river, then out, as the road lay, to Aurrida-river. On the outer bank of that river Steinar was at work, and Aunund, and their house-carles. And when they perceived Thorstein they ran to their weapons, then pursued his party. On seeing Steinar's pursuit, these rode outside Long-holt. There is a hillock, high and bare of wood. Thorstein's party dismounted there, and climbed the hillock. Thorstein bade the boy Grim go into the wood, and not be present at the encounter. As soon as Steinar and his company came to the hillock they set upon Thorstein's party, and there was a fight. There were in Steinar's band six grown men in all, and a seventh was Steinar's son, ten years old. This encounter was seen by those who were on the meadows from other farms, and they ran to part them. But by the time they were parted both Thorstein's house-carles had lost their lives, one house-carle of Steinar's had fallen, and several were wounded.

After they were parted Thorstein sought for Grim. And they found him sore wounded, while Steinar's son lay there by him dead. And when Thorstein leapt on his horse, then Steinar called after him, 'You run now, Thorstein the white.' Thorstein answered, 'You shall run further ere a week be out.'

Then Thorstein with his company rode out over the moor, taking with them the boy Grim. And when they came to the holt that is there, the boy died; and they buried him there in the holt, called since Grimsholt. And the place where they fought is called Battle-hillock.

Thorstein rode to Swan-ness that evening, as he had intended, and sat there at the feast three nights, after which he made him ready to go home. Men offered to go with him, but he would not; so he and his Easterling friend rode two together.

That same day Steinar, expecting that Thorstein would be riding home, rode out along the shore. But when he came to the dunes below Lamba-stead he lay in wait there. He had the sword named Skrymir, an excellent weapon. He stood there on the sandhill with drawn sword and eyes turned one way, for he saw Thorstein riding out on the sand. Lambi, who dwelt at Lamba-stead, saw what Steinar was doing. He left the house and went down the back, and, when he came to Steinar, he gripped him behind between the shoulders. Steinar tried to shake him off, but Lambi held fast, and so they went from the sandhill on to the level, and just then Thorstein and his friend rode by on the path below. Steinar had ridden thither on his stallion, which was now galloping inwards along the seashore. Thorstein and his friend saw this, and wondered, for they had perceived nothing of Steinar's coming. Then Steinar turned to regain the bank (for he saw not that Thorstein had ridden by). And as they came on the edge of the bank, Lambi suddenly threw Steinar from the sandhill down on to the flat sand, and himself ran home. As soon as he could get to his feet Steinar ran after Lambi. But when Lambi reached his house-door, he dashed in and slammed the door after him, Steinar aiming a blow after him so that the sword stuck in the wood of the door. There they parted, and Steinar went home.

But when Thorstein came home, he sent next day a house-carle out to Leiru-brook to bid Steinar move house beyond Borgar-hraun, else would he take advantage of this against Steinar when he had more power on his side, 'and you will then,' said he, 'have no choice of migration.' So Steinar prepared to go out to Snæfells-strand, and there he set up his household at a place called Ellida. And thus ended the dealings between him and Thorstein Egil's son.

Thorgeir Blund dwelt at Anabrekka. He proved a bad neighbour to Thorstein in every way that he could do so. On one occasion, when Egil and Thorstein met, they talked much about Thorgeir Blund their kinsman, and they both agreed about him. Then Egil sang:

'Steinar my word erewhile 
Stript of his fruitful acres: 
So did I hope to help 
The heir of Geir and Kettle. 
False, though he promised fair, 
My sister's son hath failed me. 
Blund now (whereat I wonder) 
Withholds him not from ill.' 

Thorgeir Blund left Anabrekka, and went south to Floka-dale; for Thorstein saw he could not get on with him, and yet wished to be forbearing. Thorstein was a man with no trickery, just, and never aggressive on others, but he held his own if others attacked him. But it proved disastrous to most to match their force with him.

Odd was then head-man in Borgar-firth, south of White-river. He was temple-priest, and ruled over that temple, to which all paid tribute within Skards-heath.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 87==

'''Heimboð við Þorstein'''

Þorgeir er maður nefndur. Hann var frændi Þorsteins og hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó í þenna tíma á Álftanesi. <ref>'''...hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó...:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." (p. 176).</ref> Þorgeir var vanur að hafa haustboð hvert haust. Þorgeir fór til fundar við Þorstein Egilsson og bauð honum til sín. Þorsteinn hét ferðinni og fór Þorgeir heim.

En að ákveðnum degi bjóst Þorsteinn til farar og voru þá fjórar vikur til vetrar. Með Þorsteini fór Austmaður hans og húskarlar hans tveir. Grímur hét son Þorsteins. Hann var þá tíu vetra og fór og með Þorsteini og voru þeir fimm saman og riðu út til Foss og þar yfir Langá, síðan út sem leið lá til Aurriðaár.

En fyrir utan ána var Steinar á verki og Önundur og húskarlar þeirra. Og er þeir kenndu Þorstein þá hljópu þeir til vopna sinna og síðan eftir þeim Þorsteini. Og er Þorsteinn sá eftirför Steinars þá riðu þeir út af Langaholti. Þar er hóll einn hár og óvíður. Þar stíga þeir Þorsteinn af hestunum og sækja upp á hólinn. Þorsteinn mælti að sveinninn Grímur skyldi fara í skóginn og verða eigi við staddur fundinn. Og þegar er þeir Steinar koma að hólnum þá sækja þeir að þeim Þorsteini og varð þar bardagi. Þeir Steinar voru sex saman vaxnir menn en hinn sjöundi son Steinars, tíu vetra gamall. Þenna fund sáu þeir menn er voru á engiteigum af öðrum bæjum og runnu til að skilja þá. Og er þeir voru skildir þá voru látnir húskarlar Þorsteins báðir. Fallinn var og einn húskarl Steinars en sárir sumir.

Og er þeir voru skildir leitar Þorsteinn að hvar Grímur var og finna þeir hann. Var Grímur þá sár mjög og son Steinars lá þar hjá honum dauður.

Og er Þorsteinn hljóp á hest sinn þá kallaði Steinar á hann og mælti: „Rennur þú nú Þorsteinn hvíti?“ segir hann.

Þorsteinn segir: „Lengra skaltu renna áður vika sé liðin.“

Síðan riðu þeir Þorsteinn út yfir mýrina og höfðu með sér sveininn Grím. Og er þeir komu út í holt það er þar verður þá andast sveinninn og grófu þeir hann þar í holtið og er það kallað Grímsholt en þar heitir Orustuhvoll sem þeir börðust.

Þorsteinn reið á Álftanes um kveldið sem hann hafði ætlað og sat þar að boði þrjár nætur en síðan bjóst hann til heimferðar. Menn buðust til að fara með honum en hann vildi eigi. Riðu þeir tveir saman.

Og þann sama dag er Steinar vissi von að Þorsteinn mundi heim ríða þá reið Steinar út með sjó. Og er hann kom á mela þá er verða fyrir neðan Lambastaði þá settist hann þar á melinn. Hann hafði sverð það er Skrýmir hét, allra vopna best. Hann stóð þar á melnum með sverðið brugðið og horfði þá á einn veg því að hann sá þá reið Þorsteins utan um sandinn.

Lambi bjó á Lambastöðum og sá hvað Steinar hafðist að. Hann gekk heiman og ofan á bakkann og er hann kom að Steinari þá greip hann aftan undir hendur honum. Steinar vildi slíta hann af sér. Lambi hélt fast og fara þeir nú af melunum á sléttuna en þá ríða þeir Þorsteinn hið neðra götuna. Steinar hafði riðið stóðhesti sínum og hljóp hann inn með sjó. Það sáu þeir Þorsteinn og undruðust því að þeir höfðu ekki varir orðið við för Steinars. Þá þveraðist Steinar fram á bakkann því að hann sá eigi að Þorsteinn hefði um riðið. Og er þeir komu á bakkann framanverðan þá hratt Lambi honum fyrir melinn ofan en það varaðist Steinar ekki. Hann rasaði ofan á sandinn en Lambi hljóp heim. Og er Steinar komst á fætur þá rann hann eftir Lamba. En er Lambi kom að dyrum þá hljóp hann inn en rak aftur hurðina. Steinar hjó eftir honum svo að sverðið stóð fast í vindskeiðunum. Skildust þeir þar. Gekk Steinar heim.

En er Þorsteinn kom heim þá sendi hann um daginn eftir húskarl sinn út til Leirulækjar að segja Steinari að hann færði bústað sinn um Borgarhraun en að öðrum kosti mundi hann njóta þess við Steinar ef hann ætti fleira mannaforráð „og mun þá eigi kostur brottferðar.“

En Steinar bjó ferð sína út á Snæfellsströnd og þar setti hann bú saman er heitir að Elliða og lýkur þar viðskiptum þeirra Þorsteins Egilssonar.

Þorgeir blundur bjó að Ánabrekku. Hann veitti Þorsteini illar búsifjar í öllu því er hann mátti.

Það var eitt sinn er þeir hittust, Egill og Þorsteinn, að þeir ræddu margt um Þorgeir blund, frænda sinn, og komu allar ræður ásamt með þeim. Þá kvað Egill:

Spandi eg jörð með orðum 
endr Steinari úr hendi. 
Ég þóttumst þá orka 
arka Geirs til þarfar. 
Mér brást minnar systur 
mögr, hétumst þá fögru. 
Mátti eigi böls of bindast 
Blundr, eg slíkt of undrumst. 

Þorgeir blundur fór í brott frá Ánabrekku og fór suður í Flókadal því að Þorsteinn þóttist ekki mega við hann eiga en hann vildi þó vægjast þar við.

Þorsteinn var maður órefjusamur og réttlátur og óáleitinn við menn en hélt hlut sínum ef aðrir menn leituðu á hann enda veitti það heldur þungt flestum að etja kappi við hann.

Oddur var þá höfðingi í Borgarfirði fyrir sunnan Hvítá. Hann var hofsgoði og réð fyrir hofi því er allir menn guldu hoftoll til fyrir innan Skarðsheiði.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 87

2016-01-19T08:05:10Z

Beth Rogers: /* Chapter 87 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 87==

'''Thorstein goes to a feast'''

There was a man named Thorgeir, a kinsman and friend of Thorstein: he dwelt then at Swan-ness.<ref>'''...friend of Thorstein: he dwelt...:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." (p. 176). [[Wood, Cecil. Skúli Þórsteinsson]] (p. 176).</ref> Thorgeir was wont to have a harvest feast every autumn. He went to Thorstein Egil's son and asked him to his house. Thorstein promised to come, and Thorgeir went home. But on the appointed day Thorstein made him ready to go: it wanted then four weeks of winter. With Thorstein went an Easterling, his guest, and two house-carles. There was a son of Thorstein named Grim, who was then ten years old; he too went with Thorstein, thus they were five in all. And they rode out to Foss, there they crossed Long-river, then out, as the road lay, to Aurrida-river. On the outer bank of that river Steinar was at work, and Aunund, and their house-carles. And when they perceived Thorstein they ran to their weapons, then pursued his party. On seeing Steinar's pursuit, these rode outside Long-holt. There is a hillock, high and bare of wood. Thorstein's party dismounted there, and climbed the hillock. Thorstein bade the boy Grim go into the wood, and not be present at the encounter. As soon as Steinar and his company came to the hillock they set upon Thorstein's party, and there was a fight. There were in Steinar's band six grown men in all, and a seventh was Steinar's son, ten years old. This encounter was seen by those who were on the meadows from other farms, and they ran to part them. But by the time they were parted both Thorstein's house-carles had lost their lives, one house-carle of Steinar's had fallen, and several were wounded.

After they were parted Thorstein sought for Grim. And they found him sore wounded, while Steinar's son lay there by him dead. And when Thorstein leapt on his horse, then Steinar called after him, 'You run now, Thorstein the white.' Thorstein answered, 'You shall run further ere a week be out.'

Then Thorstein with his company rode out over the moor, taking with them the boy Grim. And when they came to the holt that is there, the boy died; and they buried him there in the holt, called since Grimsholt. And the place where they fought is called Battle-hillock.

Thorstein rode to Swan-ness that evening, as he had intended, and sat there at the feast three nights, after which he made him ready to go home. Men offered to go with him, but he would not; so he and his Easterling friend rode two together.

That same day Steinar, expecting that Thorstein would be riding home, rode out along the shore. But when he came to the dunes below Lamba-stead he lay in wait there. He had the sword named Skrymir, an excellent weapon. He stood there on the sandhill with drawn sword and eyes turned one way, for he saw Thorstein riding out on the sand. Lambi, who dwelt at Lamba-stead, saw what Steinar was doing. He left the house and went down the back, and, when he came to Steinar, he gripped him behind between the shoulders. Steinar tried to shake him off, but Lambi held fast, and so they went from the sandhill on to the level, and just then Thorstein and his friend rode by on the path below. Steinar had ridden thither on his stallion, which was now galloping inwards along the seashore. Thorstein and his friend saw this, and wondered, for they had perceived nothing of Steinar's coming. Then Steinar turned to regain the bank (for he saw not that Thorstein had ridden by). And as they came on the edge of the bank, Lambi suddenly threw Steinar from the sandhill down on to the flat sand, and himself ran home. As soon as he could get to his feet Steinar ran after Lambi. But when Lambi reached his house-door, he dashed in and slammed the door after him, Steinar aiming a blow after him so that the sword stuck in the wood of the door. There they parted, and Steinar went home.

But when Thorstein came home, he sent next day a house-carle out to Leiru-brook to bid Steinar move house beyond Borgar-hraun, else would he take advantage of this against Steinar when he had more power on his side, 'and you will then,' said he, 'have no choice of migration.' So Steinar prepared to go out to Snæfells-strand, and there he set up his household at a place called Ellida. And thus ended the dealings between him and Thorstein Egil's son.

Thorgeir Blund dwelt at Anabrekka. He proved a bad neighbour to Thorstein in every way that he could do so. On one occasion, when Egil and Thorstein met, they talked much about Thorgeir Blund their kinsman, and they both agreed about him. Then Egil sang:

'Steinar my word erewhile 
Stript of his fruitful acres: 
So did I hope to help 
The heir of Geir and Kettle. 
False, though he promised fair, 
My sister's son hath failed me. 
Blund now (whereat I wonder) 
Withholds him not from ill.' 

Thorgeir Blund left Anabrekka, and went south to Floka-dale; for Thorstein saw he could not get on with him, and yet wished to be forbearing. Thorstein was a man with no trickery, just, and never aggressive on others, but he held his own if others attacked him. But it proved disastrous to most to match their force with him.

Odd was then head-man in Borgar-firth, south of White-river. He was temple-priest, and ruled over that temple, to which all paid tribute within Skards-heath.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 87==

'''Heimboð við Þorstein'''

Þorgeir er maður nefndur. Hann var frændi Þorsteins og hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó í þenna tíma á Álftanesi. <ref>'''...hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó...:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." (p. 176).</ref> Þorgeir var vanur að hafa haustboð hvert haust. Þorgeir fór til fundar við Þorstein Egilsson og bauð honum til sín. Þorsteinn hét ferðinni og fór Þorgeir heim.

En að ákveðnum degi bjóst Þorsteinn til farar og voru þá fjórar vikur til vetrar. Með Þorsteini fór Austmaður hans og húskarlar hans tveir. Grímur hét son Þorsteins. Hann var þá tíu vetra og fór og með Þorsteini og voru þeir fimm saman og riðu út til Foss og þar yfir Langá, síðan út sem leið lá til Aurriðaár.

En fyrir utan ána var Steinar á verki og Önundur og húskarlar þeirra. Og er þeir kenndu Þorstein þá hljópu þeir til vopna sinna og síðan eftir þeim Þorsteini. Og er Þorsteinn sá eftirför Steinars þá riðu þeir út af Langaholti. Þar er hóll einn hár og óvíður. Þar stíga þeir Þorsteinn af hestunum og sækja upp á hólinn. Þorsteinn mælti að sveinninn Grímur skyldi fara í skóginn og verða eigi við staddur fundinn. Og þegar er þeir Steinar koma að hólnum þá sækja þeir að þeim Þorsteini og varð þar bardagi. Þeir Steinar voru sex saman vaxnir menn en hinn sjöundi son Steinars, tíu vetra gamall. Þenna fund sáu þeir menn er voru á engiteigum af öðrum bæjum og runnu til að skilja þá. Og er þeir voru skildir þá voru látnir húskarlar Þorsteins báðir. Fallinn var og einn húskarl Steinars en sárir sumir.

Og er þeir voru skildir leitar Þorsteinn að hvar Grímur var og finna þeir hann. Var Grímur þá sár mjög og son Steinars lá þar hjá honum dauður.

Og er Þorsteinn hljóp á hest sinn þá kallaði Steinar á hann og mælti: „Rennur þú nú Þorsteinn hvíti?“ segir hann.

Þorsteinn segir: „Lengra skaltu renna áður vika sé liðin.“

Síðan riðu þeir Þorsteinn út yfir mýrina og höfðu með sér sveininn Grím. Og er þeir komu út í holt það er þar verður þá andast sveinninn og grófu þeir hann þar í holtið og er það kallað Grímsholt en þar heitir Orustuhvoll sem þeir börðust.

Þorsteinn reið á Álftanes um kveldið sem hann hafði ætlað og sat þar að boði þrjár nætur en síðan bjóst hann til heimferðar. Menn buðust til að fara með honum en hann vildi eigi. Riðu þeir tveir saman.

Og þann sama dag er Steinar vissi von að Þorsteinn mundi heim ríða þá reið Steinar út með sjó. Og er hann kom á mela þá er verða fyrir neðan Lambastaði þá settist hann þar á melinn. Hann hafði sverð það er Skrýmir hét, allra vopna best. Hann stóð þar á melnum með sverðið brugðið og horfði þá á einn veg því að hann sá þá reið Þorsteins utan um sandinn.

Lambi bjó á Lambastöðum og sá hvað Steinar hafðist að. Hann gekk heiman og ofan á bakkann og er hann kom að Steinari þá greip hann aftan undir hendur honum. Steinar vildi slíta hann af sér. Lambi hélt fast og fara þeir nú af melunum á sléttuna en þá ríða þeir Þorsteinn hið neðra götuna. Steinar hafði riðið stóðhesti sínum og hljóp hann inn með sjó. Það sáu þeir Þorsteinn og undruðust því að þeir höfðu ekki varir orðið við för Steinars. Þá þveraðist Steinar fram á bakkann því að hann sá eigi að Þorsteinn hefði um riðið. Og er þeir komu á bakkann framanverðan þá hratt Lambi honum fyrir melinn ofan en það varaðist Steinar ekki. Hann rasaði ofan á sandinn en Lambi hljóp heim. Og er Steinar komst á fætur þá rann hann eftir Lamba. En er Lambi kom að dyrum þá hljóp hann inn en rak aftur hurðina. Steinar hjó eftir honum svo að sverðið stóð fast í vindskeiðunum. Skildust þeir þar. Gekk Steinar heim.

En er Þorsteinn kom heim þá sendi hann um daginn eftir húskarl sinn út til Leirulækjar að segja Steinari að hann færði bústað sinn um Borgarhraun en að öðrum kosti mundi hann njóta þess við Steinar ef hann ætti fleira mannaforráð „og mun þá eigi kostur brottferðar.“

En Steinar bjó ferð sína út á Snæfellsströnd og þar setti hann bú saman er heitir að Elliða og lýkur þar viðskiptum þeirra Þorsteins Egilssonar.

Þorgeir blundur bjó að Ánabrekku. Hann veitti Þorsteini illar búsifjar í öllu því er hann mátti.

Það var eitt sinn er þeir hittust, Egill og Þorsteinn, að þeir ræddu margt um Þorgeir blund, frænda sinn, og komu allar ræður ásamt með þeim. Þá kvað Egill:

Spandi eg jörð með orðum 
endr Steinari úr hendi. 
Ég þóttumst þá orka 
arka Geirs til þarfar. 
Mér brást minnar systur 
mögr, hétumst þá fögru. 
Mátti eigi böls of bindast 
Blundr, eg slíkt of undrumst. 

Þorgeir blundur fór í brott frá Ánabrekku og fór suður í Flókadal því að Þorsteinn þóttist ekki mega við hann eiga en hann vildi þó vægjast þar við.

Þorsteinn var maður órefjusamur og réttlátur og óáleitinn við menn en hélt hlut sínum ef aðrir menn leituðu á hann enda veitti það heldur þungt flestum að etja kappi við hann.

Oddur var þá höfðingi í Borgarfirði fyrir sunnan Hvítá. Hann var hofsgoði og réð fyrir hofi því er allir menn guldu hoftoll til fyrir innan Skarðsheiði.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 87

2016-01-19T08:03:20Z

Beth Rogers: /* Chapter 87 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 87==

'''Thorstein goes to a feast'''

There was a man named Thorgeir, a kinsman and friend of Thorstein: he dwelt then at Swan-ness. <ref>'''...friend of Thorstein: he dwelt...:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." (p. 176).</ref>Thorgeir was wont to have a harvest feast every autumn. He went to Thorstein Egil's son and asked him to his house. Thorstein promised to come, and Thorgeir went home. But on the appointed day Thorstein made him ready to go: it wanted then four weeks of winter. With Thorstein went an Easterling, his guest, and two house-carles. There was a son of Thorstein named Grim, who was then ten years old; he too went with Thorstein, thus they were five in all. And they rode out to Foss, there they crossed Long-river, then out, as the road lay, to Aurrida-river. On the outer bank of that river Steinar was at work, and Aunund, and their house-carles. And when they perceived Thorstein they ran to their weapons, then pursued his party. On seeing Steinar's pursuit, these rode outside Long-holt. There is a hillock, high and bare of wood. Thorstein's party dismounted there, and climbed the hillock. Thorstein bade the boy Grim go into the wood, and not be present at the encounter. As soon as Steinar and his company came to the hillock they set upon Thorstein's party, and there was a fight. There were in Steinar's band six grown men in all, and a seventh was Steinar's son, ten years old. This encounter was seen by those who were on the meadows from other farms, and they ran to part them. But by the time they were parted both Thorstein's house-carles had lost their lives, one house-carle of Steinar's had fallen, and several were wounded.

After they were parted Thorstein sought for Grim. And they found him sore wounded, while Steinar's son lay there by him dead. And when Thorstein leapt on his horse, then Steinar called after him, 'You run now, Thorstein the white.' Thorstein answered, 'You shall run further ere a week be out.'

Then Thorstein with his company rode out over the moor, taking with them the boy Grim. And when they came to the holt that is there, the boy died; and they buried him there in the holt, called since Grimsholt. And the place where they fought is called Battle-hillock.

Thorstein rode to Swan-ness that evening, as he had intended, and sat there at the feast three nights, after which he made him ready to go home. Men offered to go with him, but he would not; so he and his Easterling friend rode two together.

That same day Steinar, expecting that Thorstein would be riding home, rode out along the shore. But when he came to the dunes below Lamba-stead he lay in wait there. He had the sword named Skrymir, an excellent weapon. He stood there on the sandhill with drawn sword and eyes turned one way, for he saw Thorstein riding out on the sand. Lambi, who dwelt at Lamba-stead, saw what Steinar was doing. He left the house and went down the back, and, when he came to Steinar, he gripped him behind between the shoulders. Steinar tried to shake him off, but Lambi held fast, and so they went from the sandhill on to the level, and just then Thorstein and his friend rode by on the path below. Steinar had ridden thither on his stallion, which was now galloping inwards along the seashore. Thorstein and his friend saw this, and wondered, for they had perceived nothing of Steinar's coming. Then Steinar turned to regain the bank (for he saw not that Thorstein had ridden by). And as they came on the edge of the bank, Lambi suddenly threw Steinar from the sandhill down on to the flat sand, and himself ran home. As soon as he could get to his feet Steinar ran after Lambi. But when Lambi reached his house-door, he dashed in and slammed the door after him, Steinar aiming a blow after him so that the sword stuck in the wood of the door. There they parted, and Steinar went home.

But when Thorstein came home, he sent next day a house-carle out to Leiru-brook to bid Steinar move house beyond Borgar-hraun, else would he take advantage of this against Steinar when he had more power on his side, 'and you will then,' said he, 'have no choice of migration.' So Steinar prepared to go out to Snæfells-strand, and there he set up his household at a place called Ellida. And thus ended the dealings between him and Thorstein Egil's son.

Thorgeir Blund dwelt at Anabrekka. He proved a bad neighbour to Thorstein in every way that he could do so. On one occasion, when Egil and Thorstein met, they talked much about Thorgeir Blund their kinsman, and they both agreed about him. Then Egil sang:

'Steinar my word erewhile 
Stript of his fruitful acres: 
So did I hope to help 
The heir of Geir and Kettle. 
False, though he promised fair, 
My sister's son hath failed me. 
Blund now (whereat I wonder) 
Withholds him not from ill.' 

Thorgeir Blund left Anabrekka, and went south to Floka-dale; for Thorstein saw he could not get on with him, and yet wished to be forbearing. Thorstein was a man with no trickery, just, and never aggressive on others, but he held his own if others attacked him. But it proved disastrous to most to match their force with him.

Odd was then head-man in Borgar-firth, south of White-river. He was temple-priest, and ruled over that temple, to which all paid tribute within Skards-heath.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 87==

'''Heimboð við Þorstein'''

Þorgeir er maður nefndur. Hann var frændi Þorsteins og hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó í þenna tíma á Álftanesi. <ref>'''...hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó...:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." (p. 176).</ref> Þorgeir var vanur að hafa haustboð hvert haust. Þorgeir fór til fundar við Þorstein Egilsson og bauð honum til sín. Þorsteinn hét ferðinni og fór Þorgeir heim.

En að ákveðnum degi bjóst Þorsteinn til farar og voru þá fjórar vikur til vetrar. Með Þorsteini fór Austmaður hans og húskarlar hans tveir. Grímur hét son Þorsteins. Hann var þá tíu vetra og fór og með Þorsteini og voru þeir fimm saman og riðu út til Foss og þar yfir Langá, síðan út sem leið lá til Aurriðaár.

En fyrir utan ána var Steinar á verki og Önundur og húskarlar þeirra. Og er þeir kenndu Þorstein þá hljópu þeir til vopna sinna og síðan eftir þeim Þorsteini. Og er Þorsteinn sá eftirför Steinars þá riðu þeir út af Langaholti. Þar er hóll einn hár og óvíður. Þar stíga þeir Þorsteinn af hestunum og sækja upp á hólinn. Þorsteinn mælti að sveinninn Grímur skyldi fara í skóginn og verða eigi við staddur fundinn. Og þegar er þeir Steinar koma að hólnum þá sækja þeir að þeim Þorsteini og varð þar bardagi. Þeir Steinar voru sex saman vaxnir menn en hinn sjöundi son Steinars, tíu vetra gamall. Þenna fund sáu þeir menn er voru á engiteigum af öðrum bæjum og runnu til að skilja þá. Og er þeir voru skildir þá voru látnir húskarlar Þorsteins báðir. Fallinn var og einn húskarl Steinars en sárir sumir.

Og er þeir voru skildir leitar Þorsteinn að hvar Grímur var og finna þeir hann. Var Grímur þá sár mjög og son Steinars lá þar hjá honum dauður.

Og er Þorsteinn hljóp á hest sinn þá kallaði Steinar á hann og mælti: „Rennur þú nú Þorsteinn hvíti?“ segir hann.

Þorsteinn segir: „Lengra skaltu renna áður vika sé liðin.“

Síðan riðu þeir Þorsteinn út yfir mýrina og höfðu með sér sveininn Grím. Og er þeir komu út í holt það er þar verður þá andast sveinninn og grófu þeir hann þar í holtið og er það kallað Grímsholt en þar heitir Orustuhvoll sem þeir börðust.

Þorsteinn reið á Álftanes um kveldið sem hann hafði ætlað og sat þar að boði þrjár nætur en síðan bjóst hann til heimferðar. Menn buðust til að fara með honum en hann vildi eigi. Riðu þeir tveir saman.

Og þann sama dag er Steinar vissi von að Þorsteinn mundi heim ríða þá reið Steinar út með sjó. Og er hann kom á mela þá er verða fyrir neðan Lambastaði þá settist hann þar á melinn. Hann hafði sverð það er Skrýmir hét, allra vopna best. Hann stóð þar á melnum með sverðið brugðið og horfði þá á einn veg því að hann sá þá reið Þorsteins utan um sandinn.

Lambi bjó á Lambastöðum og sá hvað Steinar hafðist að. Hann gekk heiman og ofan á bakkann og er hann kom að Steinari þá greip hann aftan undir hendur honum. Steinar vildi slíta hann af sér. Lambi hélt fast og fara þeir nú af melunum á sléttuna en þá ríða þeir Þorsteinn hið neðra götuna. Steinar hafði riðið stóðhesti sínum og hljóp hann inn með sjó. Það sáu þeir Þorsteinn og undruðust því að þeir höfðu ekki varir orðið við för Steinars. Þá þveraðist Steinar fram á bakkann því að hann sá eigi að Þorsteinn hefði um riðið. Og er þeir komu á bakkann framanverðan þá hratt Lambi honum fyrir melinn ofan en það varaðist Steinar ekki. Hann rasaði ofan á sandinn en Lambi hljóp heim. Og er Steinar komst á fætur þá rann hann eftir Lamba. En er Lambi kom að dyrum þá hljóp hann inn en rak aftur hurðina. Steinar hjó eftir honum svo að sverðið stóð fast í vindskeiðunum. Skildust þeir þar. Gekk Steinar heim.

En er Þorsteinn kom heim þá sendi hann um daginn eftir húskarl sinn út til Leirulækjar að segja Steinari að hann færði bústað sinn um Borgarhraun en að öðrum kosti mundi hann njóta þess við Steinar ef hann ætti fleira mannaforráð „og mun þá eigi kostur brottferðar.“

En Steinar bjó ferð sína út á Snæfellsströnd og þar setti hann bú saman er heitir að Elliða og lýkur þar viðskiptum þeirra Þorsteins Egilssonar.

Þorgeir blundur bjó að Ánabrekku. Hann veitti Þorsteini illar búsifjar í öllu því er hann mátti.

Það var eitt sinn er þeir hittust, Egill og Þorsteinn, að þeir ræddu margt um Þorgeir blund, frænda sinn, og komu allar ræður ásamt með þeim. Þá kvað Egill:

Spandi eg jörð með orðum 
endr Steinari úr hendi. 
Ég þóttumst þá orka 
arka Geirs til þarfar. 
Mér brást minnar systur 
mögr, hétumst þá fögru. 
Mátti eigi böls of bindast 
Blundr, eg slíkt of undrumst. 

Þorgeir blundur fór í brott frá Ánabrekku og fór suður í Flókadal því að Þorsteinn þóttist ekki mega við hann eiga en hann vildi þó vægjast þar við.

Þorsteinn var maður órefjusamur og réttlátur og óáleitinn við menn en hélt hlut sínum ef aðrir menn leituðu á hann enda veitti það heldur þungt flestum að etja kappi við hann.

Oddur var þá höfðingi í Borgarfirði fyrir sunnan Hvítá. Hann var hofsgoði og réð fyrir hofi því er allir menn guldu hoftoll til fyrir innan Skarðsheiði.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 87

2016-01-19T08:02:02Z

Beth Rogers: /* Kafli 87 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 87==

'''Thorstein goes to a feast'''

There was a man named Thorgeir, a kinsman and friend of Thorstein: he dwelt then at Swan-ness. Thorgeir was wont to have a harvest feast every autumn. He went to Thorstein Egil's son and asked him to his house. Thorstein promised to come, and Thorgeir went home. But on the appointed day Thorstein made him ready to go: it wanted then four weeks of winter. With Thorstein went an Easterling, his guest, and two house-carles. There was a son of Thorstein named Grim, who was then ten years old; he too went with Thorstein, thus they were five in all. And they rode out to Foss, there they crossed Long-river, then out, as the road lay, to Aurrida-river. On the outer bank of that river Steinar was at work, and Aunund, and their house-carles. And when they perceived Thorstein they ran to their weapons, then pursued his party. On seeing Steinar's pursuit, these rode outside Long-holt. There is a hillock, high and bare of wood. Thorstein's party dismounted there, and climbed the hillock. Thorstein bade the boy Grim go into the wood, and not be present at the encounter. As soon as Steinar and his company came to the hillock they set upon Thorstein's party, and there was a fight. There were in Steinar's band six grown men in all, and a seventh was Steinar's son, ten years old. This encounter was seen by those who were on the meadows from other farms, and they ran to part them. But by the time they were parted both Thorstein's house-carles had lost their lives, one house-carle of Steinar's had fallen, and several were wounded.

After they were parted Thorstein sought for Grim. And they found him sore wounded, while Steinar's son lay there by him dead. And when Thorstein leapt on his horse, then Steinar called after him, 'You run now, Thorstein the white.' Thorstein answered, 'You shall run further ere a week be out.'

Then Thorstein with his company rode out over the moor, taking with them the boy Grim. And when they came to the holt that is there, the boy died; and they buried him there in the holt, called since Grimsholt. And the place where they fought is called Battle-hillock.

Thorstein rode to Swan-ness that evening, as he had intended, and sat there at the feast three nights, after which he made him ready to go home. Men offered to go with him, but he would not; so he and his Easterling friend rode two together.

That same day Steinar, expecting that Thorstein would be riding home, rode out along the shore. But when he came to the dunes below Lamba-stead he lay in wait there. He had the sword named Skrymir, an excellent weapon. He stood there on the sandhill with drawn sword and eyes turned one way, for he saw Thorstein riding out on the sand. Lambi, who dwelt at Lamba-stead, saw what Steinar was doing. He left the house and went down the back, and, when he came to Steinar, he gripped him behind between the shoulders. Steinar tried to shake him off, but Lambi held fast, and so they went from the sandhill on to the level, and just then Thorstein and his friend rode by on the path below. Steinar had ridden thither on his stallion, which was now galloping inwards along the seashore. Thorstein and his friend saw this, and wondered, for they had perceived nothing of Steinar's coming. Then Steinar turned to regain the bank (for he saw not that Thorstein had ridden by). And as they came on the edge of the bank, Lambi suddenly threw Steinar from the sandhill down on to the flat sand, and himself ran home. As soon as he could get to his feet Steinar ran after Lambi. But when Lambi reached his house-door, he dashed in and slammed the door after him, Steinar aiming a blow after him so that the sword stuck in the wood of the door. There they parted, and Steinar went home.

But when Thorstein came home, he sent next day a house-carle out to Leiru-brook to bid Steinar move house beyond Borgar-hraun, else would he take advantage of this against Steinar when he had more power on his side, 'and you will then,' said he, 'have no choice of migration.' So Steinar prepared to go out to Snæfells-strand, and there he set up his household at a place called Ellida. And thus ended the dealings between him and Thorstein Egil's son.

Thorgeir Blund dwelt at Anabrekka. He proved a bad neighbour to Thorstein in every way that he could do so. On one occasion, when Egil and Thorstein met, they talked much about Thorgeir Blund their kinsman, and they both agreed about him. Then Egil sang:

'Steinar my word erewhile 
Stript of his fruitful acres: 
So did I hope to help 
The heir of Geir and Kettle. 
False, though he promised fair, 
My sister's son hath failed me. 
Blund now (whereat I wonder) 
Withholds him not from ill.' 

Thorgeir Blund left Anabrekka, and went south to Floka-dale; for Thorstein saw he could not get on with him, and yet wished to be forbearing. Thorstein was a man with no trickery, just, and never aggressive on others, but he held his own if others attacked him. But it proved disastrous to most to match their force with him.

Odd was then head-man in Borgar-firth, south of White-river. He was temple-priest, and ruled over that temple, to which all paid tribute within Skards-heath.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 87==

'''Heimboð við Þorstein'''

Þorgeir er maður nefndur. Hann var frændi Þorsteins og hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó í þenna tíma á Álftanesi. <ref>'''...hinn mesti vin. Hann bjó...:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." (p. 176).</ref> Þorgeir var vanur að hafa haustboð hvert haust. Þorgeir fór til fundar við Þorstein Egilsson og bauð honum til sín. Þorsteinn hét ferðinni og fór Þorgeir heim.

En að ákveðnum degi bjóst Þorsteinn til farar og voru þá fjórar vikur til vetrar. Með Þorsteini fór Austmaður hans og húskarlar hans tveir. Grímur hét son Þorsteins. Hann var þá tíu vetra og fór og með Þorsteini og voru þeir fimm saman og riðu út til Foss og þar yfir Langá, síðan út sem leið lá til Aurriðaár.

En fyrir utan ána var Steinar á verki og Önundur og húskarlar þeirra. Og er þeir kenndu Þorstein þá hljópu þeir til vopna sinna og síðan eftir þeim Þorsteini. Og er Þorsteinn sá eftirför Steinars þá riðu þeir út af Langaholti. Þar er hóll einn hár og óvíður. Þar stíga þeir Þorsteinn af hestunum og sækja upp á hólinn. Þorsteinn mælti að sveinninn Grímur skyldi fara í skóginn og verða eigi við staddur fundinn. Og þegar er þeir Steinar koma að hólnum þá sækja þeir að þeim Þorsteini og varð þar bardagi. Þeir Steinar voru sex saman vaxnir menn en hinn sjöundi son Steinars, tíu vetra gamall. Þenna fund sáu þeir menn er voru á engiteigum af öðrum bæjum og runnu til að skilja þá. Og er þeir voru skildir þá voru látnir húskarlar Þorsteins báðir. Fallinn var og einn húskarl Steinars en sárir sumir.

Og er þeir voru skildir leitar Þorsteinn að hvar Grímur var og finna þeir hann. Var Grímur þá sár mjög og son Steinars lá þar hjá honum dauður.

Og er Þorsteinn hljóp á hest sinn þá kallaði Steinar á hann og mælti: „Rennur þú nú Þorsteinn hvíti?“ segir hann.

Þorsteinn segir: „Lengra skaltu renna áður vika sé liðin.“

Síðan riðu þeir Þorsteinn út yfir mýrina og höfðu með sér sveininn Grím. Og er þeir komu út í holt það er þar verður þá andast sveinninn og grófu þeir hann þar í holtið og er það kallað Grímsholt en þar heitir Orustuhvoll sem þeir börðust.

Þorsteinn reið á Álftanes um kveldið sem hann hafði ætlað og sat þar að boði þrjár nætur en síðan bjóst hann til heimferðar. Menn buðust til að fara með honum en hann vildi eigi. Riðu þeir tveir saman.

Og þann sama dag er Steinar vissi von að Þorsteinn mundi heim ríða þá reið Steinar út með sjó. Og er hann kom á mela þá er verða fyrir neðan Lambastaði þá settist hann þar á melinn. Hann hafði sverð það er Skrýmir hét, allra vopna best. Hann stóð þar á melnum með sverðið brugðið og horfði þá á einn veg því að hann sá þá reið Þorsteins utan um sandinn.

Lambi bjó á Lambastöðum og sá hvað Steinar hafðist að. Hann gekk heiman og ofan á bakkann og er hann kom að Steinari þá greip hann aftan undir hendur honum. Steinar vildi slíta hann af sér. Lambi hélt fast og fara þeir nú af melunum á sléttuna en þá ríða þeir Þorsteinn hið neðra götuna. Steinar hafði riðið stóðhesti sínum og hljóp hann inn með sjó. Það sáu þeir Þorsteinn og undruðust því að þeir höfðu ekki varir orðið við för Steinars. Þá þveraðist Steinar fram á bakkann því að hann sá eigi að Þorsteinn hefði um riðið. Og er þeir komu á bakkann framanverðan þá hratt Lambi honum fyrir melinn ofan en það varaðist Steinar ekki. Hann rasaði ofan á sandinn en Lambi hljóp heim. Og er Steinar komst á fætur þá rann hann eftir Lamba. En er Lambi kom að dyrum þá hljóp hann inn en rak aftur hurðina. Steinar hjó eftir honum svo að sverðið stóð fast í vindskeiðunum. Skildust þeir þar. Gekk Steinar heim.

En er Þorsteinn kom heim þá sendi hann um daginn eftir húskarl sinn út til Leirulækjar að segja Steinari að hann færði bústað sinn um Borgarhraun en að öðrum kosti mundi hann njóta þess við Steinar ef hann ætti fleira mannaforráð „og mun þá eigi kostur brottferðar.“

En Steinar bjó ferð sína út á Snæfellsströnd og þar setti hann bú saman er heitir að Elliða og lýkur þar viðskiptum þeirra Þorsteins Egilssonar.

Þorgeir blundur bjó að Ánabrekku. Hann veitti Þorsteini illar búsifjar í öllu því er hann mátti.

Það var eitt sinn er þeir hittust, Egill og Þorsteinn, að þeir ræddu margt um Þorgeir blund, frænda sinn, og komu allar ræður ásamt með þeim. Þá kvað Egill:

Spandi eg jörð með orðum 
endr Steinari úr hendi. 
Ég þóttumst þá orka 
arka Geirs til þarfar. 
Mér brást minnar systur 
mögr, hétumst þá fögru. 
Mátti eigi böls of bindast 
Blundr, eg slíkt of undrumst. 

Þorgeir blundur fór í brott frá Ánabrekku og fór suður í Flókadal því að Þorsteinn þóttist ekki mega við hann eiga en hann vildi þó vægjast þar við.

Þorsteinn var maður órefjusamur og réttlátur og óáleitinn við menn en hélt hlut sínum ef aðrir menn leituðu á hann enda veitti það heldur þungt flestum að etja kappi við hann.

Oddur var þá höfðingi í Borgarfirði fyrir sunnan Hvítá. Hann var hofsgoði og réð fyrir hofi því er allir menn guldu hoftoll til fyrir innan Skarðsheiði.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Wood, Cecil. Skúli Þórsteinsson

2016-01-19T07:57:15Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Wood, Cecil
* '''Title''': Skúli Þórsteinsson
* '''Published in''': ''Scandinavian Studies'' 36
* '''Year''': 1964
* '''Pages''': 175-88
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Wood, Cecil. "Skúli Þórsteinsson." ''Scandinavian Studies'' 36 (1964): 175-88.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The article’s focus lies mostly on the literal sources Skúli himself produced. Therefore, the helmingar that survived in ''Snorra Edda'' and ''Svǫlðrardrápa'' are examined and alternative readings to what both Finnur Jónsson and Kock suggested are offered, where kennings or stanza meanings are uncertain. Besides the ''Svǫlðrardrápa'', there are references of Skúli’s poetic work used by Snorri. The two works in question are the explanation of ''Hǫlga haugþak'' as a ''kenning'' for gold as well as the attribution of the ''heiti árflognir'' to ravens. Besides the literal evidence of Skúli’s skaldic capabilities, there is further information about his persona. He states that the ''ætt'' of which Skúli descends is said to have Kveldúlfr as progenitor. Furthermore, Skúli was bestowed with the position of a jarl, thus also having military duties, which can be seen in his participation in the battle of Svolder, all in all granting him a good amount of reputation. Wood, therefore, raises the question why Skúli, who made a “perfect saga hero” (p. 188), was almost forgotten.
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

[[Egla,_87|Chapter 87]]: '''Skúli var mestr; hann bjó at Borg eptir dag Þorsteins:''' "“The Egilssaga ends with the statement that Skuli was the best of the sons of Thorstein at Borg, but it gives no account of why this should be true. […] The most enduring part of him is his seven dróttkvætt and helmings." (p. 176)

==Links==

* ''Written by:''
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 78

2016-01-19T07:44:58Z

Beth Rogers: /* Kafli 78 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

'''Egil comes to Thorfinn's. The harrying of king Hacon'''

Egil traveled on till he came westward out of the wood. They made for Thorfinn's that evening, where they were well received: their wounds were bound up, and they stayed there several nights. Helga, the master's daughter, was now on her feet, and whole of her ailment.<ref>'''whole of her ailment''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (p. 137).</ref> For this she and all the family thanked Egil. He and his rested there themselves and their beasts.

The man who had graved the runes for Helga dwelt not far off. It now came out that he had asked her to wife, but Thorfinn would not give her. Then this landowner's son would fain beguile her, but she would not consent. So he thought to grave for her love-runes, but he did not understand them aright, and graved that wherefrom she took her sickness.

And when Egil was ready to depart, Thorfinn and his son escorted them on the road: they being thus ten or twelve in company. They went with them all that day as a guard against Armod and his house-carles. But when the tidings were heard how Egil's band had fought against overwhelming odds in the wood and conquered, then Armod thought it hopeless to raise shield against Egil: wherefore he with all his men sat at home. Egil and Thorfinn exchanged gifts at parting, and pledged themselves to friendship.<ref>'''pledged themselves to friendship:''' "Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten." [[Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek]] (p. 174).</ref> Then Egil and his men went their way, and no tidings are told of their journey before they came to Thorstein's.

There their wounds were healed. Egil stayed there till spring. But Thorstein sent messengers to king Hacon to bring him the tribute for which Egil had gone to Vermaland. Who, when they came before the king, told him the tidings of what had been done in Egil's journey, and brought him the tribute. The king was now sure that what he had before suspected was true, namely, that earl Arnvid had caused the slaying of the two companies of messengers sent eastwards by him. The king said that Thorstein should have leave to dwell in the land, and should be reconciled to him. Then the messengers returned home; and on coming to Thorstein's told him that the king was well pleased with this Vermaland journey, and that Thorstein was now to have reconciliation and friendship with the king.

King Hacon in the summer went eastwards to Vik: whence he journeyed still eastwards to Vermaland with a large force. Earl Arnvid fled away; but the king took large fines from those landowners whom he thought guilty against him according to the report of those who went after the tribute. He set over the land another earl, taking hostages of him and of the landowners. In this expedition Hacon went far and wide about western Gautland and subdued it, as is told in his Saga, and is found in the poems composed about him. It is also told that he went to Denmark, and harried there far and wide. Then was it that with two ships he disabled twelve ships of the Danes, and gave to Tryggva, son of his brother Olaf, the name of king and the rule over Vik eastwards.

Egil in the summer made ready his merchant-ship and got thereto a crew. But the long-ship that he had brought from Denmark in the autumn he gave to Thorstein at parting. Thorstein gave Egil good gifts, and they pledged them to close friendship. Egil sent messengers to Thord, his wife's kinsman, at Aurland, and gave him charge to arrange for those lands that Egil owned in Sogn and Hordaland, bidding him sell them if there were a buyer. And when Egil was ready for his voyage, they sailed out along the bay, and then northwards along the Norway coast, and afterwards out into the main. They had a fairly good breeze, and came from the main into Borgar-firth; and Egil steered his ship up the firth to the haven close to his own house. He had his cargo conveyed home, and his ship set up on wooden props. Egil went home to his house: fain were folk to see him; and there he stayed for that winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

'''Egill kom til Þorfinns'''

Egill fór til þess er hann kom vestur af skóginum. Sóttu þeir til Þorfinns að kveldi og fengu þar allgóðar viðtökur. Voru þá bundin sár þeirra Egils. Nokkurar nætur voru þeir þar. Helga dóttir bónda var þá á fótum og heil meina sinna.<ref>'''heil meina sinna''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (s. 137).</ref> Þakkaði hún og öll þau Agli það. Hvíldu sig þar og eyki sína.

En maður sá er Helgu hafði rúnar ristið var þaðan skammt á brott. Kom það þá upp að hann hafði beðið hennar en Þorfinnur vildi eigi gifta hana. Þá vildi bóndason glepja hana en hún vildi eigi. Þá þóttist hann rista henni manrúnar en hann kunni það eigi og hafði hann það ristið henni er hún fékk meinsemi af.

Og er Egill var til brottfarar búinn þá fylgdi Þorfinnur honum og þeir feðgar á götu. Voru þeir þá saman tíu eða tólf. Fóru þeir þá dag þann allan með þeim til varúðar fyrir Ármóði og húskörlum hans. Og er þessi tíðindi spurðust, að þeir Egill höfðu barist við ofurefli liðs á skóginum og sigrað, þá þótti Ármóði engi von að hann mundi mega reisa rönd við Agli. Sat Ármóður því heima við alla sína menn. Þeir Egill og Þorfinnur skiptust gjöfum við að skilnaði og mæltu til vináttu með sér.<ref>'''mæltu til vináttu með sér:''' "Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten." [[Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek]] (p. 174).</ref>

Síðan fóru þeir Egill leið sína og er ekki sagt að til tíðinda yrði í ferð þeirra áður þeir komu til Þorsteins. Voru þá grædd sár þeirra. Dvöldust þeir Egill þar til vors. En Þorsteinn fékk sendimenn til Hákonar konungs að færa honum skatt þann er Egill hafði sótt til Vermalands. Og er þeir komu á konungs fund þá sögðu þeir honum tíðindi þau er gerst höfðu í ferð þeirra Egils og færðu honum skattinn. Konungur þóttist þá vita að það mundi satt vera er áður hafði hann grunað um að Arnviður jarl mundi hafa látið drepa sendimenn hans tvenna er hann hafði austur sent. Sagði konungur að Þorsteinn skyldi þá hafa landsvist og vera í sætt við hann. Fara sendimenn síðan heimleiðis. Og er þeir koma aftur til Þorsteins þá segja þeir honum að konungur lét vel yfir þessi ferð og Þorsteinn skyldi þá vera í sætt og vináttu við konung.

Hákon konungur fór í Vík austur um sumarið en þaðan gerði hann ferð sína austur á Vermaland með mikið lið. Arnviður jarl flýði undan en konungur tók stór gjöld af bóndum þeim er honum þóttu í sökum við sig svo sem sagt er af þeim er skattinn sóttu. Setti hann þar yfir jarl annan og tók gíslar af honum og bóndum.

Hákon konungur fór í þeirri ferð víða um Gautland hið vestra og lagði það undir sig, svo sem sagt er í sögu hans og finnst í kvæðum þeim er um hann hafa ort verið. Þá er og sagt að hann fór til Danmerkur og herjaði þar víða. Þá hrauð hann tólf skip af Dönum með tveimur skipum og þá gaf hann konungsnafn Tryggva Ólafssyni bróðursyni sínum og vald yfir Víkinni austur.

Egill bjó kaupskip sitt um sumarið og réð þar til föruneyti en langskip það er hann hafði haft um haustið úr Danmörku gaf hann Þorsteini að skilnaði. Þorsteinn gaf Agli góðar gjafir og mæltu til mikillar vináttu sín í milli. Egill gerði sendimenn til Þórðar á Aurland, mágs síns, og fékk honum umboð sitt að skipa jarðir þær er Egill átti í Sogni og á Hörðalandi og bað hann selja ef kaupendur væru til.

Og er Egill var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá sigldu þeir út eftir Víkinni og svo leið sína norður fyrir Noreg og síðan í haf út. Byrjaði þeim til góðrar hlítar, komu af hafi í Borgarfjörð og hélt Egill skipinu inn eftir firðinum og til hafnar skammt frá bæ sínum og lét heim flytja varnað sinn en ráða skipi til hlunns. Egill fór heim til bús síns. Urðu menn honum fegnir. Dvaldist Egill þar þann vetur.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 78

2016-01-19T07:42:01Z

Beth Rogers: /* Chapter 78 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

'''Egil comes to Thorfinn's. The harrying of king Hacon'''

Egil traveled on till he came westward out of the wood. They made for Thorfinn's that evening, where they were well received: their wounds were bound up, and they stayed there several nights. Helga, the master's daughter, was now on her feet, and whole of her ailment.<ref>'''whole of her ailment''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (p. 137).</ref> For this she and all the family thanked Egil. He and his rested there themselves and their beasts.

The man who had graved the runes for Helga dwelt not far off. It now came out that he had asked her to wife, but Thorfinn would not give her. Then this landowner's son would fain beguile her, but she would not consent. So he thought to grave for her love-runes, but he did not understand them aright, and graved that wherefrom she took her sickness.

And when Egil was ready to depart, Thorfinn and his son escorted them on the road: they being thus ten or twelve in company. They went with them all that day as a guard against Armod and his house-carles. But when the tidings were heard how Egil's band had fought against overwhelming odds in the wood and conquered, then Armod thought it hopeless to raise shield against Egil: wherefore he with all his men sat at home. Egil and Thorfinn exchanged gifts at parting, and pledged themselves to friendship.<ref>'''pledged themselves to friendship:''' "Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten." [[Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek]] (p. 174).</ref> Then Egil and his men went their way, and no tidings are told of their journey before they came to Thorstein's.

There their wounds were healed. Egil stayed there till spring. But Thorstein sent messengers to king Hacon to bring him the tribute for which Egil had gone to Vermaland. Who, when they came before the king, told him the tidings of what had been done in Egil's journey, and brought him the tribute. The king was now sure that what he had before suspected was true, namely, that earl Arnvid had caused the slaying of the two companies of messengers sent eastwards by him. The king said that Thorstein should have leave to dwell in the land, and should be reconciled to him. Then the messengers returned home; and on coming to Thorstein's told him that the king was well pleased with this Vermaland journey, and that Thorstein was now to have reconciliation and friendship with the king.

King Hacon in the summer went eastwards to Vik: whence he journeyed still eastwards to Vermaland with a large force. Earl Arnvid fled away; but the king took large fines from those landowners whom he thought guilty against him according to the report of those who went after the tribute. He set over the land another earl, taking hostages of him and of the landowners. In this expedition Hacon went far and wide about western Gautland and subdued it, as is told in his Saga, and is found in the poems composed about him. It is also told that he went to Denmark, and harried there far and wide. Then was it that with two ships he disabled twelve ships of the Danes, and gave to Tryggva, son of his brother Olaf, the name of king and the rule over Vik eastwards.

Egil in the summer made ready his merchant-ship and got thereto a crew. But the long-ship that he had brought from Denmark in the autumn he gave to Thorstein at parting. Thorstein gave Egil good gifts, and they pledged them to close friendship. Egil sent messengers to Thord, his wife's kinsman, at Aurland, and gave him charge to arrange for those lands that Egil owned in Sogn and Hordaland, bidding him sell them if there were a buyer. And when Egil was ready for his voyage, they sailed out along the bay, and then northwards along the Norway coast, and afterwards out into the main. They had a fairly good breeze, and came from the main into Borgar-firth; and Egil steered his ship up the firth to the haven close to his own house. He had his cargo conveyed home, and his ship set up on wooden props. Egil went home to his house: fain were folk to see him; and there he stayed for that winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

'''Egill kom til Þorfinns'''

Egill fór til þess er hann kom vestur af skóginum. Sóttu þeir til Þorfinns að kveldi og fengu þar allgóðar viðtökur. Voru þá bundin sár þeirra Egils. Nokkurar nætur voru þeir þar. Helga dóttir bónda var þá á fótum og heil meina sinna.<ref>'''heil meina sinna''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (s. 137).</ref> Þakkaði hún og öll þau Agli það. Hvíldu sig þar og eyki sína.

En maður sá er Helgu hafði rúnar ristið var þaðan skammt á brott. Kom það þá upp að hann hafði beðið hennar en Þorfinnur vildi eigi gifta hana. Þá vildi bóndason glepja hana en hún vildi eigi. Þá þóttist hann rista henni manrúnar en hann kunni það eigi og hafði hann það ristið henni er hún fékk meinsemi af.

Og er Egill var til brottfarar búinn þá fylgdi Þorfinnur honum og þeir feðgar á götu. Voru þeir þá saman tíu eða tólf. Fóru þeir þá dag þann allan með þeim til varúðar fyrir Ármóði og húskörlum hans. Og er þessi tíðindi spurðust, að þeir Egill höfðu barist við ofurefli liðs á skóginum og sigrað, þá þótti Ármóði engi von að hann mundi mega reisa rönd við Agli. Sat Ármóður því heima við alla sína menn. Þeir Egill og Þorfinnur skiptust gjöfum við að skilnaði og mæltu til vináttu með sér.

Síðan fóru þeir Egill leið sína og er ekki sagt að til tíðinda yrði í ferð þeirra áður þeir komu til Þorsteins. Voru þá grædd sár þeirra. Dvöldust þeir Egill þar til vors. En Þorsteinn fékk sendimenn til Hákonar konungs að færa honum skatt þann er Egill hafði sótt til Vermalands. Og er þeir komu á konungs fund þá sögðu þeir honum tíðindi þau er gerst höfðu í ferð þeirra Egils og færðu honum skattinn. Konungur þóttist þá vita að það mundi satt vera er áður hafði hann grunað um að Arnviður jarl mundi hafa látið drepa sendimenn hans tvenna er hann hafði austur sent. Sagði konungur að Þorsteinn skyldi þá hafa landsvist og vera í sætt við hann. Fara sendimenn síðan heimleiðis. Og er þeir koma aftur til Þorsteins þá segja þeir honum að konungur lét vel yfir þessi ferð og Þorsteinn skyldi þá vera í sætt og vináttu við konung.

Hákon konungur fór í Vík austur um sumarið en þaðan gerði hann ferð sína austur á Vermaland með mikið lið. Arnviður jarl flýði undan en konungur tók stór gjöld af bóndum þeim er honum þóttu í sökum við sig svo sem sagt er af þeim er skattinn sóttu. Setti hann þar yfir jarl annan og tók gíslar af honum og bóndum.

Hákon konungur fór í þeirri ferð víða um Gautland hið vestra og lagði það undir sig, svo sem sagt er í sögu hans og finnst í kvæðum þeim er um hann hafa ort verið. Þá er og sagt að hann fór til Danmerkur og herjaði þar víða. Þá hrauð hann tólf skip af Dönum með tveimur skipum og þá gaf hann konungsnafn Tryggva Ólafssyni bróðursyni sínum og vald yfir Víkinni austur.

Egill bjó kaupskip sitt um sumarið og réð þar til föruneyti en langskip það er hann hafði haft um haustið úr Danmörku gaf hann Þorsteini að skilnaði. Þorsteinn gaf Agli góðar gjafir og mæltu til mikillar vináttu sín í milli. Egill gerði sendimenn til Þórðar á Aurland, mágs síns, og fékk honum umboð sitt að skipa jarðir þær er Egill átti í Sogni og á Hörðalandi og bað hann selja ef kaupendur væru til.

Og er Egill var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá sigldu þeir út eftir Víkinni og svo leið sína norður fyrir Noreg og síðan í haf út. Byrjaði þeim til góðrar hlítar, komu af hafi í Borgarfjörð og hélt Egill skipinu inn eftir firðinum og til hafnar skammt frá bæ sínum og lét heim flytja varnað sinn en ráða skipi til hlunns. Egill fór heim til bús síns. Urðu menn honum fegnir. Dvaldist Egill þar þann vetur.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 78

2016-01-19T07:41:23Z

Beth Rogers: /* Chapter 78 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

'''Egil comes to Thorfinn's. The harrying of king Hacon'''

Egil traveled on till he came westward out of the wood. They made for Thorfinn's that evening, where they were well received: their wounds were bound up, and they stayed there several nights. Helga, the master's daughter, was now on her feet, and whole of her ailment.<ref>'''whole of her ailment''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (p. 137).</ref> For this she and all the family thanked Egil. He and his rested there themselves and their beasts.

The man who had graved the runes for Helga dwelt not far off. It now came out that he had asked her to wife, but Thorfinn would not give her. Then this landowner's son would fain beguile her, but she would not consent. So he thought to grave for her love-runes, but he did not understand them aright, and graved that wherefrom she took her sickness.

And when Egil was ready to depart, Thorfinn and his son escorted them on the road: they being thus ten or twelve in company. They went with them all that day as a guard against Armod and his house-carles. But when the tidings were heard how Egil's band had fought against overwhelming odds in the wood and conquered, then Armod thought it hopeless to raise shield against Egil: wherefore he with all his men sat at home. Egil and Thorfinn exchanged gifts at parting, and pledged themselves to friendship. <ref>'''pledged themselves to friendship:''' "Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten." [[Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek]] (p. 174).</ref> Then Egil and his men went their way, and no tidings are told of their journey before they came to Thorstein's.

There their wounds were healed. Egil stayed there till spring. But Thorstein sent messengers to king Hacon to bring him the tribute for which Egil had gone to Vermaland. Who, when they came before the king, told him the tidings of what had been done in Egil's journey, and brought him the tribute. The king was now sure that what he had before suspected was true, namely, that earl Arnvid had caused the slaying of the two companies of messengers sent eastwards by him. The king said that Thorstein should have leave to dwell in the land, and should be reconciled to him. Then the messengers returned home; and on coming to Thorstein's told him that the king was well pleased with this Vermaland journey, and that Thorstein was now to have reconciliation and friendship with the king.

King Hacon in the summer went eastwards to Vik: whence he journeyed still eastwards to Vermaland with a large force. Earl Arnvid fled away; but the king took large fines from those landowners whom he thought guilty against him according to the report of those who went after the tribute. He set over the land another earl, taking hostages of him and of the landowners. In this expedition Hacon went far and wide about western Gautland and subdued it, as is told in his Saga, and is found in the poems composed about him. It is also told that he went to Denmark, and harried there far and wide. Then was it that with two ships he disabled twelve ships of the Danes, and gave to Tryggva, son of his brother Olaf, the name of king and the rule over Vik eastwards.

Egil in the summer made ready his merchant-ship and got thereto a crew. But the long-ship that he had brought from Denmark in the autumn he gave to Thorstein at parting. Thorstein gave Egil good gifts, and they pledged them to close friendship. Egil sent messengers to Thord, his wife's kinsman, at Aurland, and gave him charge to arrange for those lands that Egil owned in Sogn and Hordaland, bidding him sell them if there were a buyer. And when Egil was ready for his voyage, they sailed out along the bay, and then northwards along the Norway coast, and afterwards out into the main. They had a fairly good breeze, and came from the main into Borgar-firth; and Egil steered his ship up the firth to the haven close to his own house. He had his cargo conveyed home, and his ship set up on wooden props. Egil went home to his house: fain were folk to see him; and there he stayed for that winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

'''Egill kom til Þorfinns'''

Egill fór til þess er hann kom vestur af skóginum. Sóttu þeir til Þorfinns að kveldi og fengu þar allgóðar viðtökur. Voru þá bundin sár þeirra Egils. Nokkurar nætur voru þeir þar. Helga dóttir bónda var þá á fótum og heil meina sinna.<ref>'''heil meina sinna''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (s. 137).</ref> Þakkaði hún og öll þau Agli það. Hvíldu sig þar og eyki sína.

En maður sá er Helgu hafði rúnar ristið var þaðan skammt á brott. Kom það þá upp að hann hafði beðið hennar en Þorfinnur vildi eigi gifta hana. Þá vildi bóndason glepja hana en hún vildi eigi. Þá þóttist hann rista henni manrúnar en hann kunni það eigi og hafði hann það ristið henni er hún fékk meinsemi af.

Og er Egill var til brottfarar búinn þá fylgdi Þorfinnur honum og þeir feðgar á götu. Voru þeir þá saman tíu eða tólf. Fóru þeir þá dag þann allan með þeim til varúðar fyrir Ármóði og húskörlum hans. Og er þessi tíðindi spurðust, að þeir Egill höfðu barist við ofurefli liðs á skóginum og sigrað, þá þótti Ármóði engi von að hann mundi mega reisa rönd við Agli. Sat Ármóður því heima við alla sína menn. Þeir Egill og Þorfinnur skiptust gjöfum við að skilnaði og mæltu til vináttu með sér.

Síðan fóru þeir Egill leið sína og er ekki sagt að til tíðinda yrði í ferð þeirra áður þeir komu til Þorsteins. Voru þá grædd sár þeirra. Dvöldust þeir Egill þar til vors. En Þorsteinn fékk sendimenn til Hákonar konungs að færa honum skatt þann er Egill hafði sótt til Vermalands. Og er þeir komu á konungs fund þá sögðu þeir honum tíðindi þau er gerst höfðu í ferð þeirra Egils og færðu honum skattinn. Konungur þóttist þá vita að það mundi satt vera er áður hafði hann grunað um að Arnviður jarl mundi hafa látið drepa sendimenn hans tvenna er hann hafði austur sent. Sagði konungur að Þorsteinn skyldi þá hafa landsvist og vera í sætt við hann. Fara sendimenn síðan heimleiðis. Og er þeir koma aftur til Þorsteins þá segja þeir honum að konungur lét vel yfir þessi ferð og Þorsteinn skyldi þá vera í sætt og vináttu við konung.

Hákon konungur fór í Vík austur um sumarið en þaðan gerði hann ferð sína austur á Vermaland með mikið lið. Arnviður jarl flýði undan en konungur tók stór gjöld af bóndum þeim er honum þóttu í sökum við sig svo sem sagt er af þeim er skattinn sóttu. Setti hann þar yfir jarl annan og tók gíslar af honum og bóndum.

Hákon konungur fór í þeirri ferð víða um Gautland hið vestra og lagði það undir sig, svo sem sagt er í sögu hans og finnst í kvæðum þeim er um hann hafa ort verið. Þá er og sagt að hann fór til Danmerkur og herjaði þar víða. Þá hrauð hann tólf skip af Dönum með tveimur skipum og þá gaf hann konungsnafn Tryggva Ólafssyni bróðursyni sínum og vald yfir Víkinni austur.

Egill bjó kaupskip sitt um sumarið og réð þar til föruneyti en langskip það er hann hafði haft um haustið úr Danmörku gaf hann Þorsteini að skilnaði. Þorsteinn gaf Agli góðar gjafir og mæltu til mikillar vináttu sín í milli. Egill gerði sendimenn til Þórðar á Aurland, mágs síns, og fékk honum umboð sitt að skipa jarðir þær er Egill átti í Sogni og á Hörðalandi og bað hann selja ef kaupendur væru til.

Og er Egill var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá sigldu þeir út eftir Víkinni og svo leið sína norður fyrir Noreg og síðan í haf út. Byrjaði þeim til góðrar hlítar, komu af hafi í Borgarfjörð og hélt Egill skipinu inn eftir firðinum og til hafnar skammt frá bæ sínum og lét heim flytja varnað sinn en ráða skipi til hlunns. Egill fór heim til bús síns. Urðu menn honum fegnir. Dvaldist Egill þar þann vetur.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 78

2016-01-19T07:40:56Z

Beth Rogers: /* Chapter 78 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

'''Egil comes to Thorfinn's. The harrying of king Hacon'''

Egil traveled on till he came westward out of the wood. They made for Thorfinn's that evening, where they were well received: their wounds were bound up, and they stayed there several nights. Helga, the master's daughter, was now on her feet, and whole of her ailment.<ref>'''whole of her ailment''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (p. 137).</ref> For this she and all the family thanked Egil. He and his rested there themselves and their beasts.

The man who had graved the runes for Helga dwelt not far off. It now came out that he had asked her to wife, but Thorfinn would not give her. Then this landowner's son would fain beguile her, but she would not consent. So he thought to grave for her love-runes, but he did not understand them aright, and graved that wherefrom she took her sickness.

And when Egil was ready to depart, Thorfinn and his son escorted them on the road: they being thus ten or twelve in company. They went with them all that day as a guard against Armod and his house-carles. But when the tidings were heard how Egil's band had fought against overwhelming odds in the wood and conquered, then Armod thought it hopeless to raise shield against Egil: wherefore he with all his men sat at home. Egil and Thorfinn exchanged gifts at parting, and pledged themselves to friendship. <ref>'''pledged themselves to friendship:''' "Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten." [[Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek]] (p. 174).</ref>Then Egil and his men went their way, and no tidings are told of their journey before they came to Thorstein's.

There their wounds were healed. Egil stayed there till spring. But Thorstein sent messengers to king Hacon to bring him the tribute for which Egil had gone to Vermaland. Who, when they came before the king, told him the tidings of what had been done in Egil's journey, and brought him the tribute. The king was now sure that what he had before suspected was true, namely, that earl Arnvid had caused the slaying of the two companies of messengers sent eastwards by him. The king said that Thorstein should have leave to dwell in the land, and should be reconciled to him. Then the messengers returned home; and on coming to Thorstein's told him that the king was well pleased with this Vermaland journey, and that Thorstein was now to have reconciliation and friendship with the king.

King Hacon in the summer went eastwards to Vik: whence he journeyed still eastwards to Vermaland with a large force. Earl Arnvid fled away; but the king took large fines from those landowners whom he thought guilty against him according to the report of those who went after the tribute. He set over the land another earl, taking hostages of him and of the landowners. In this expedition Hacon went far and wide about western Gautland and subdued it, as is told in his Saga, and is found in the poems composed about him. It is also told that he went to Denmark, and harried there far and wide. Then was it that with two ships he disabled twelve ships of the Danes, and gave to Tryggva, son of his brother Olaf, the name of king and the rule over Vik eastwards.

Egil in the summer made ready his merchant-ship and got thereto a crew. But the long-ship that he had brought from Denmark in the autumn he gave to Thorstein at parting. Thorstein gave Egil good gifts, and they pledged them to close friendship. Egil sent messengers to Thord, his wife's kinsman, at Aurland, and gave him charge to arrange for those lands that Egil owned in Sogn and Hordaland, bidding him sell them if there were a buyer. And when Egil was ready for his voyage, they sailed out along the bay, and then northwards along the Norway coast, and afterwards out into the main. They had a fairly good breeze, and came from the main into Borgar-firth; and Egil steered his ship up the firth to the haven close to his own house. He had his cargo conveyed home, and his ship set up on wooden props. Egil went home to his house: fain were folk to see him; and there he stayed for that winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

'''Egill kom til Þorfinns'''

Egill fór til þess er hann kom vestur af skóginum. Sóttu þeir til Þorfinns að kveldi og fengu þar allgóðar viðtökur. Voru þá bundin sár þeirra Egils. Nokkurar nætur voru þeir þar. Helga dóttir bónda var þá á fótum og heil meina sinna.<ref>'''heil meina sinna''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (s. 137).</ref> Þakkaði hún og öll þau Agli það. Hvíldu sig þar og eyki sína.

En maður sá er Helgu hafði rúnar ristið var þaðan skammt á brott. Kom það þá upp að hann hafði beðið hennar en Þorfinnur vildi eigi gifta hana. Þá vildi bóndason glepja hana en hún vildi eigi. Þá þóttist hann rista henni manrúnar en hann kunni það eigi og hafði hann það ristið henni er hún fékk meinsemi af.

Og er Egill var til brottfarar búinn þá fylgdi Þorfinnur honum og þeir feðgar á götu. Voru þeir þá saman tíu eða tólf. Fóru þeir þá dag þann allan með þeim til varúðar fyrir Ármóði og húskörlum hans. Og er þessi tíðindi spurðust, að þeir Egill höfðu barist við ofurefli liðs á skóginum og sigrað, þá þótti Ármóði engi von að hann mundi mega reisa rönd við Agli. Sat Ármóður því heima við alla sína menn. Þeir Egill og Þorfinnur skiptust gjöfum við að skilnaði og mæltu til vináttu með sér.

Síðan fóru þeir Egill leið sína og er ekki sagt að til tíðinda yrði í ferð þeirra áður þeir komu til Þorsteins. Voru þá grædd sár þeirra. Dvöldust þeir Egill þar til vors. En Þorsteinn fékk sendimenn til Hákonar konungs að færa honum skatt þann er Egill hafði sótt til Vermalands. Og er þeir komu á konungs fund þá sögðu þeir honum tíðindi þau er gerst höfðu í ferð þeirra Egils og færðu honum skattinn. Konungur þóttist þá vita að það mundi satt vera er áður hafði hann grunað um að Arnviður jarl mundi hafa látið drepa sendimenn hans tvenna er hann hafði austur sent. Sagði konungur að Þorsteinn skyldi þá hafa landsvist og vera í sætt við hann. Fara sendimenn síðan heimleiðis. Og er þeir koma aftur til Þorsteins þá segja þeir honum að konungur lét vel yfir þessi ferð og Þorsteinn skyldi þá vera í sætt og vináttu við konung.

Hákon konungur fór í Vík austur um sumarið en þaðan gerði hann ferð sína austur á Vermaland með mikið lið. Arnviður jarl flýði undan en konungur tók stór gjöld af bóndum þeim er honum þóttu í sökum við sig svo sem sagt er af þeim er skattinn sóttu. Setti hann þar yfir jarl annan og tók gíslar af honum og bóndum.

Hákon konungur fór í þeirri ferð víða um Gautland hið vestra og lagði það undir sig, svo sem sagt er í sögu hans og finnst í kvæðum þeim er um hann hafa ort verið. Þá er og sagt að hann fór til Danmerkur og herjaði þar víða. Þá hrauð hann tólf skip af Dönum með tveimur skipum og þá gaf hann konungsnafn Tryggva Ólafssyni bróðursyni sínum og vald yfir Víkinni austur.

Egill bjó kaupskip sitt um sumarið og réð þar til föruneyti en langskip það er hann hafði haft um haustið úr Danmörku gaf hann Þorsteini að skilnaði. Þorsteinn gaf Agli góðar gjafir og mæltu til mikillar vináttu sín í milli. Egill gerði sendimenn til Þórðar á Aurland, mágs síns, og fékk honum umboð sitt að skipa jarðir þær er Egill átti í Sogni og á Hörðalandi og bað hann selja ef kaupendur væru til.

Og er Egill var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá sigldu þeir út eftir Víkinni og svo leið sína norður fyrir Noreg og síðan í haf út. Byrjaði þeim til góðrar hlítar, komu af hafi í Borgarfjörð og hélt Egill skipinu inn eftir firðinum og til hafnar skammt frá bæ sínum og lét heim flytja varnað sinn en ráða skipi til hlunns. Egill fór heim til bús síns. Urðu menn honum fegnir. Dvaldist Egill þar þann vetur.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 78

2016-01-19T07:40:16Z

Beth Rogers: /* Chapter 78 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

'''Egil comes to Thorfinn's. The harrying of king Hacon'''

Egil traveled on till he came westward out of the wood. They made for Thorfinn's that evening, where they were well received: their wounds were bound up, and they stayed there several nights. Helga, the master's daughter, was now on her feet, and whole of her ailment.<ref>'''whole of her ailment''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (p. 137).</ref> For this she and all the family thanked Egil. He and his rested there themselves and their beasts.

The man who had graved the runes for Helga dwelt not far off. It now came out that he had asked her to wife, but Thorfinn would not give her. Then this landowner's son would fain beguile her, but she would not consent. So he thought to grave for her love-runes, but he did not understand them aright, and graved that wherefrom she took her sickness.

And when Egil was ready to depart, Thorfinn and his son escorted them on the road: they being thus ten or twelve in company. They went with them all that day as a guard against Armod and his house-carles. But when the tidings were heard how Egil's band had fought against overwhelming odds in the wood and conquered, then Armod thought it hopeless to raise shield against Egil: wherefore he with all his men sat at home. Egil and Thorfinn exchanged gifts at parting, and pledged themselves to friendship. <ref>'''pledged themselves to friendship:''' "Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten." [[Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek]] (p. 174)</ref>Then Egil and his men went their way, and no tidings are told of their journey before they came to Thorstein's.

There their wounds were healed. Egil stayed there till spring. But Thorstein sent messengers to king Hacon to bring him the tribute for which Egil had gone to Vermaland. Who, when they came before the king, told him the tidings of what had been done in Egil's journey, and brought him the tribute. The king was now sure that what he had before suspected was true, namely, that earl Arnvid had caused the slaying of the two companies of messengers sent eastwards by him. The king said that Thorstein should have leave to dwell in the land, and should be reconciled to him. Then the messengers returned home; and on coming to Thorstein's told him that the king was well pleased with this Vermaland journey, and that Thorstein was now to have reconciliation and friendship with the king.

King Hacon in the summer went eastwards to Vik: whence he journeyed still eastwards to Vermaland with a large force. Earl Arnvid fled away; but the king took large fines from those landowners whom he thought guilty against him according to the report of those who went after the tribute. He set over the land another earl, taking hostages of him and of the landowners. In this expedition Hacon went far and wide about western Gautland and subdued it, as is told in his Saga, and is found in the poems composed about him. It is also told that he went to Denmark, and harried there far and wide. Then was it that with two ships he disabled twelve ships of the Danes, and gave to Tryggva, son of his brother Olaf, the name of king and the rule over Vik eastwards.

Egil in the summer made ready his merchant-ship and got thereto a crew. But the long-ship that he had brought from Denmark in the autumn he gave to Thorstein at parting. Thorstein gave Egil good gifts, and they pledged them to close friendship. Egil sent messengers to Thord, his wife's kinsman, at Aurland, and gave him charge to arrange for those lands that Egil owned in Sogn and Hordaland, bidding him sell them if there were a buyer. And when Egil was ready for his voyage, they sailed out along the bay, and then northwards along the Norway coast, and afterwards out into the main. They had a fairly good breeze, and came from the main into Borgar-firth; and Egil steered his ship up the firth to the haven close to his own house. He had his cargo conveyed home, and his ship set up on wooden props. Egil went home to his house: fain were folk to see him; and there he stayed for that winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

'''Egill kom til Þorfinns'''

Egill fór til þess er hann kom vestur af skóginum. Sóttu þeir til Þorfinns að kveldi og fengu þar allgóðar viðtökur. Voru þá bundin sár þeirra Egils. Nokkurar nætur voru þeir þar. Helga dóttir bónda var þá á fótum og heil meina sinna.<ref>'''heil meina sinna''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (s. 137).</ref> Þakkaði hún og öll þau Agli það. Hvíldu sig þar og eyki sína.

En maður sá er Helgu hafði rúnar ristið var þaðan skammt á brott. Kom það þá upp að hann hafði beðið hennar en Þorfinnur vildi eigi gifta hana. Þá vildi bóndason glepja hana en hún vildi eigi. Þá þóttist hann rista henni manrúnar en hann kunni það eigi og hafði hann það ristið henni er hún fékk meinsemi af.

Og er Egill var til brottfarar búinn þá fylgdi Þorfinnur honum og þeir feðgar á götu. Voru þeir þá saman tíu eða tólf. Fóru þeir þá dag þann allan með þeim til varúðar fyrir Ármóði og húskörlum hans. Og er þessi tíðindi spurðust, að þeir Egill höfðu barist við ofurefli liðs á skóginum og sigrað, þá þótti Ármóði engi von að hann mundi mega reisa rönd við Agli. Sat Ármóður því heima við alla sína menn. Þeir Egill og Þorfinnur skiptust gjöfum við að skilnaði og mæltu til vináttu með sér.

Síðan fóru þeir Egill leið sína og er ekki sagt að til tíðinda yrði í ferð þeirra áður þeir komu til Þorsteins. Voru þá grædd sár þeirra. Dvöldust þeir Egill þar til vors. En Þorsteinn fékk sendimenn til Hákonar konungs að færa honum skatt þann er Egill hafði sótt til Vermalands. Og er þeir komu á konungs fund þá sögðu þeir honum tíðindi þau er gerst höfðu í ferð þeirra Egils og færðu honum skattinn. Konungur þóttist þá vita að það mundi satt vera er áður hafði hann grunað um að Arnviður jarl mundi hafa látið drepa sendimenn hans tvenna er hann hafði austur sent. Sagði konungur að Þorsteinn skyldi þá hafa landsvist og vera í sætt við hann. Fara sendimenn síðan heimleiðis. Og er þeir koma aftur til Þorsteins þá segja þeir honum að konungur lét vel yfir þessi ferð og Þorsteinn skyldi þá vera í sætt og vináttu við konung.

Hákon konungur fór í Vík austur um sumarið en þaðan gerði hann ferð sína austur á Vermaland með mikið lið. Arnviður jarl flýði undan en konungur tók stór gjöld af bóndum þeim er honum þóttu í sökum við sig svo sem sagt er af þeim er skattinn sóttu. Setti hann þar yfir jarl annan og tók gíslar af honum og bóndum.

Hákon konungur fór í þeirri ferð víða um Gautland hið vestra og lagði það undir sig, svo sem sagt er í sögu hans og finnst í kvæðum þeim er um hann hafa ort verið. Þá er og sagt að hann fór til Danmerkur og herjaði þar víða. Þá hrauð hann tólf skip af Dönum með tveimur skipum og þá gaf hann konungsnafn Tryggva Ólafssyni bróðursyni sínum og vald yfir Víkinni austur.

Egill bjó kaupskip sitt um sumarið og réð þar til föruneyti en langskip það er hann hafði haft um haustið úr Danmörku gaf hann Þorsteini að skilnaði. Þorsteinn gaf Agli góðar gjafir og mæltu til mikillar vináttu sín í milli. Egill gerði sendimenn til Þórðar á Aurland, mágs síns, og fékk honum umboð sitt að skipa jarðir þær er Egill átti í Sogni og á Hörðalandi og bað hann selja ef kaupendur væru til.

Og er Egill var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá sigldu þeir út eftir Víkinni og svo leið sína norður fyrir Noreg og síðan í haf út. Byrjaði þeim til góðrar hlítar, komu af hafi í Borgarfjörð og hélt Egill skipinu inn eftir firðinum og til hafnar skammt frá bæ sínum og lét heim flytja varnað sinn en ráða skipi til hlunns. Egill fór heim til bús síns. Urðu menn honum fegnir. Dvaldist Egill þar þann vetur.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 78

2016-01-19T07:39:44Z

Beth Rogers: /* Chapter 78 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

'''Egil comes to Thorfinn's. The harrying of king Hacon'''

Egil traveled on till he came westward out of the wood. They made for Thorfinn's that evening, where they were well received: their wounds were bound up, and they stayed there several nights. Helga, the master's daughter, was now on her feet, and whole of her ailment.<ref>'''whole of her ailment''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (p. 137).</ref> For this she and all the family thanked Egil. He and his rested there themselves and their beasts.

The man who had graved the runes for Helga dwelt not far off. It now came out that he had asked her to wife, but Thorfinn would not give her. Then this landowner's son would fain beguile her, but she would not consent. So he thought to grave for her love-runes, but he did not understand them aright, and graved that wherefrom she took her sickness.

And when Egil was ready to depart, Thorfinn and his son escorted them on the road: they being thus ten or twelve in company. They went with them all that day as a guard against Armod and his house-carles. But when the tidings were heard how Egil's band had fought against overwhelming odds in the wood and conquered, then Armod thought it hopeless to raise shield against Egil: wherefore he with all his men sat at home. Egil and Thorfinn exchanged gifts at parting, and pledged themselves to friendship. <ref>'''pledged themselves to friendship:''' "Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten." (p. 174) [[Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek]]</ref>Then Egil and his men went their way, and no tidings are told of their journey before they came to Thorstein's.

There their wounds were healed. Egil stayed there till spring. But Thorstein sent messengers to king Hacon to bring him the tribute for which Egil had gone to Vermaland. Who, when they came before the king, told him the tidings of what had been done in Egil's journey, and brought him the tribute. The king was now sure that what he had before suspected was true, namely, that earl Arnvid had caused the slaying of the two companies of messengers sent eastwards by him. The king said that Thorstein should have leave to dwell in the land, and should be reconciled to him. Then the messengers returned home; and on coming to Thorstein's told him that the king was well pleased with this Vermaland journey, and that Thorstein was now to have reconciliation and friendship with the king.

King Hacon in the summer went eastwards to Vik: whence he journeyed still eastwards to Vermaland with a large force. Earl Arnvid fled away; but the king took large fines from those landowners whom he thought guilty against him according to the report of those who went after the tribute. He set over the land another earl, taking hostages of him and of the landowners. In this expedition Hacon went far and wide about western Gautland and subdued it, as is told in his Saga, and is found in the poems composed about him. It is also told that he went to Denmark, and harried there far and wide. Then was it that with two ships he disabled twelve ships of the Danes, and gave to Tryggva, son of his brother Olaf, the name of king and the rule over Vik eastwards.

Egil in the summer made ready his merchant-ship and got thereto a crew. But the long-ship that he had brought from Denmark in the autumn he gave to Thorstein at parting. Thorstein gave Egil good gifts, and they pledged them to close friendship. Egil sent messengers to Thord, his wife's kinsman, at Aurland, and gave him charge to arrange for those lands that Egil owned in Sogn and Hordaland, bidding him sell them if there were a buyer. And when Egil was ready for his voyage, they sailed out along the bay, and then northwards along the Norway coast, and afterwards out into the main. They had a fairly good breeze, and came from the main into Borgar-firth; and Egil steered his ship up the firth to the haven close to his own house. He had his cargo conveyed home, and his ship set up on wooden props. Egil went home to his house: fain were folk to see him; and there he stayed for that winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

'''Egill kom til Þorfinns'''

Egill fór til þess er hann kom vestur af skóginum. Sóttu þeir til Þorfinns að kveldi og fengu þar allgóðar viðtökur. Voru þá bundin sár þeirra Egils. Nokkurar nætur voru þeir þar. Helga dóttir bónda var þá á fótum og heil meina sinna.<ref>'''heil meina sinna''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (s. 137).</ref> Þakkaði hún og öll þau Agli það. Hvíldu sig þar og eyki sína.

En maður sá er Helgu hafði rúnar ristið var þaðan skammt á brott. Kom það þá upp að hann hafði beðið hennar en Þorfinnur vildi eigi gifta hana. Þá vildi bóndason glepja hana en hún vildi eigi. Þá þóttist hann rista henni manrúnar en hann kunni það eigi og hafði hann það ristið henni er hún fékk meinsemi af.

Og er Egill var til brottfarar búinn þá fylgdi Þorfinnur honum og þeir feðgar á götu. Voru þeir þá saman tíu eða tólf. Fóru þeir þá dag þann allan með þeim til varúðar fyrir Ármóði og húskörlum hans. Og er þessi tíðindi spurðust, að þeir Egill höfðu barist við ofurefli liðs á skóginum og sigrað, þá þótti Ármóði engi von að hann mundi mega reisa rönd við Agli. Sat Ármóður því heima við alla sína menn. Þeir Egill og Þorfinnur skiptust gjöfum við að skilnaði og mæltu til vináttu með sér.

Síðan fóru þeir Egill leið sína og er ekki sagt að til tíðinda yrði í ferð þeirra áður þeir komu til Þorsteins. Voru þá grædd sár þeirra. Dvöldust þeir Egill þar til vors. En Þorsteinn fékk sendimenn til Hákonar konungs að færa honum skatt þann er Egill hafði sótt til Vermalands. Og er þeir komu á konungs fund þá sögðu þeir honum tíðindi þau er gerst höfðu í ferð þeirra Egils og færðu honum skattinn. Konungur þóttist þá vita að það mundi satt vera er áður hafði hann grunað um að Arnviður jarl mundi hafa látið drepa sendimenn hans tvenna er hann hafði austur sent. Sagði konungur að Þorsteinn skyldi þá hafa landsvist og vera í sætt við hann. Fara sendimenn síðan heimleiðis. Og er þeir koma aftur til Þorsteins þá segja þeir honum að konungur lét vel yfir þessi ferð og Þorsteinn skyldi þá vera í sætt og vináttu við konung.

Hákon konungur fór í Vík austur um sumarið en þaðan gerði hann ferð sína austur á Vermaland með mikið lið. Arnviður jarl flýði undan en konungur tók stór gjöld af bóndum þeim er honum þóttu í sökum við sig svo sem sagt er af þeim er skattinn sóttu. Setti hann þar yfir jarl annan og tók gíslar af honum og bóndum.

Hákon konungur fór í þeirri ferð víða um Gautland hið vestra og lagði það undir sig, svo sem sagt er í sögu hans og finnst í kvæðum þeim er um hann hafa ort verið. Þá er og sagt að hann fór til Danmerkur og herjaði þar víða. Þá hrauð hann tólf skip af Dönum með tveimur skipum og þá gaf hann konungsnafn Tryggva Ólafssyni bróðursyni sínum og vald yfir Víkinni austur.

Egill bjó kaupskip sitt um sumarið og réð þar til föruneyti en langskip það er hann hafði haft um haustið úr Danmörku gaf hann Þorsteini að skilnaði. Þorsteinn gaf Agli góðar gjafir og mæltu til mikillar vináttu sín í milli. Egill gerði sendimenn til Þórðar á Aurland, mágs síns, og fékk honum umboð sitt að skipa jarðir þær er Egill átti í Sogni og á Hörðalandi og bað hann selja ef kaupendur væru til.

Og er Egill var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá sigldu þeir út eftir Víkinni og svo leið sína norður fyrir Noreg og síðan í haf út. Byrjaði þeim til góðrar hlítar, komu af hafi í Borgarfjörð og hélt Egill skipinu inn eftir firðinum og til hafnar skammt frá bæ sínum og lét heim flytja varnað sinn en ráða skipi til hlunns. Egill fór heim til bús síns. Urðu menn honum fegnir. Dvaldist Egill þar þann vetur.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 78

2016-01-19T07:34:56Z

Beth Rogers:

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

'''Egil comes to Thorfinn's. The harrying of king Hacon'''

Egil traveled on till he came westward out of the wood. They made for Thorfinn's that evening, where they were well received: their wounds were bound up, and they stayed there several nights. Helga, the master's daughter, was now on her feet, and whole of her ailment.<ref>'''whole of her ailment''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (p. 137).</ref> For this she and all the family thanked Egil. He and his rested there themselves and their beasts.

The man who had graved the runes for Helga dwelt not far off. It now came out that he had asked her to wife, but Thorfinn would not give her. Then this landowner's son would fain beguile her, but she would not consent. So he thought to grave for her love-runes, but he did not understand them aright, and graved that wherefrom she took her sickness.

And when Egil was ready to depart, Thorfinn and his son escorted them on the road: they being thus ten or twelve in company. They went with them all that day as a guard against Armod and his house-carles. But when the tidings were heard how Egil's band had fought against overwhelming odds in the wood and conquered, then Armod thought it hopeless to raise shield against Egil: wherefore he with all his men sat at home. Egil and Thorfinn exchanged gifts at parting, and pledged themselves to friendship. Then Egil and his men went their way, and no tidings are told of their journey before they came to Thorstein's.

There their wounds were healed. Egil stayed there till spring. But Thorstein sent messengers to king Hacon to bring him the tribute for which Egil had gone to Vermaland. Who, when they came before the king, told him the tidings of what had been done in Egil's journey, and brought him the tribute. The king was now sure that what he had before suspected was true, namely, that earl Arnvid had caused the slaying of the two companies of messengers sent eastwards by him. The king said that Thorstein should have leave to dwell in the land, and should be reconciled to him. Then the messengers returned home; and on coming to Thorstein's told him that the king was well pleased with this Vermaland journey, and that Thorstein was now to have reconciliation and friendship with the king.

King Hacon in the summer went eastwards to Vik: whence he journeyed still eastwards to Vermaland with a large force. Earl Arnvid fled away; but the king took large fines from those landowners whom he thought guilty against him according to the report of those who went after the tribute.
<ref>'''the tribute:''' "Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten." (p. 174) [[Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek]]</ref> He set over the land another earl, taking hostages of him and of the landowners. In this expedition Hacon went far and wide about western Gautland and subdued it, as is told in his Saga, and is found in the poems composed about him. It is also told that he went to Denmark, and harried there far and wide. Then was it that with two ships he disabled twelve ships of the Danes, and gave to Tryggva, son of his brother Olaf, the name of king and the rule over Vik eastwards.

Egil in the summer made ready his merchant-ship and got thereto a crew. But the long-ship that he had brought from Denmark in the autumn he gave to Thorstein at parting. Thorstein gave Egil good gifts, and they pledged them to close friendship. Egil sent messengers to Thord, his wife's kinsman, at Aurland, and gave him charge to arrange for those lands that Egil owned in Sogn and Hordaland, bidding him sell them if there were a buyer. And when Egil was ready for his voyage, they sailed out along the bay, and then northwards along the Norway coast, and afterwards out into the main. They had a fairly good breeze, and came from the main into Borgar-firth; and Egil steered his ship up the firth to the haven close to his own house. He had his cargo conveyed home, and his ship set up on wooden props. Egil went home to his house: fain were folk to see him; and there he stayed for that winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

'''Egill kom til Þorfinns'''

Egill fór til þess er hann kom vestur af skóginum. Sóttu þeir til Þorfinns að kveldi og fengu þar allgóðar viðtökur. Voru þá bundin sár þeirra Egils. Nokkurar nætur voru þeir þar. Helga dóttir bónda var þá á fótum og heil meina sinna.<ref>'''heil meina sinna''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (s. 137).</ref> Þakkaði hún og öll þau Agli það. Hvíldu sig þar og eyki sína.

En maður sá er Helgu hafði rúnar ristið var þaðan skammt á brott. Kom það þá upp að hann hafði beðið hennar en Þorfinnur vildi eigi gifta hana. Þá vildi bóndason glepja hana en hún vildi eigi. Þá þóttist hann rista henni manrúnar en hann kunni það eigi og hafði hann það ristið henni er hún fékk meinsemi af.

Og er Egill var til brottfarar búinn þá fylgdi Þorfinnur honum og þeir feðgar á götu. Voru þeir þá saman tíu eða tólf. Fóru þeir þá dag þann allan með þeim til varúðar fyrir Ármóði og húskörlum hans. Og er þessi tíðindi spurðust, að þeir Egill höfðu barist við ofurefli liðs á skóginum og sigrað, þá þótti Ármóði engi von að hann mundi mega reisa rönd við Agli. Sat Ármóður því heima við alla sína menn. Þeir Egill og Þorfinnur skiptust gjöfum við að skilnaði og mæltu til vináttu með sér.

Síðan fóru þeir Egill leið sína og er ekki sagt að til tíðinda yrði í ferð þeirra áður þeir komu til Þorsteins. Voru þá grædd sár þeirra. Dvöldust þeir Egill þar til vors. En Þorsteinn fékk sendimenn til Hákonar konungs að færa honum skatt þann er Egill hafði sótt til Vermalands. Og er þeir komu á konungs fund þá sögðu þeir honum tíðindi þau er gerst höfðu í ferð þeirra Egils og færðu honum skattinn. Konungur þóttist þá vita að það mundi satt vera er áður hafði hann grunað um að Arnviður jarl mundi hafa látið drepa sendimenn hans tvenna er hann hafði austur sent. Sagði konungur að Þorsteinn skyldi þá hafa landsvist og vera í sætt við hann. Fara sendimenn síðan heimleiðis. Og er þeir koma aftur til Þorsteins þá segja þeir honum að konungur lét vel yfir þessi ferð og Þorsteinn skyldi þá vera í sætt og vináttu við konung.

Hákon konungur fór í Vík austur um sumarið en þaðan gerði hann ferð sína austur á Vermaland með mikið lið. Arnviður jarl flýði undan en konungur tók stór gjöld af bóndum þeim er honum þóttu í sökum við sig svo sem sagt er af þeim er skattinn sóttu. Setti hann þar yfir jarl annan og tók gíslar af honum og bóndum.

Hákon konungur fór í þeirri ferð víða um Gautland hið vestra og lagði það undir sig, svo sem sagt er í sögu hans og finnst í kvæðum þeim er um hann hafa ort verið. Þá er og sagt að hann fór til Danmerkur og herjaði þar víða. Þá hrauð hann tólf skip af Dönum með tveimur skipum og þá gaf hann konungsnafn Tryggva Ólafssyni bróðursyni sínum og vald yfir Víkinni austur.

Egill bjó kaupskip sitt um sumarið og réð þar til föruneyti en langskip það er hann hafði haft um haustið úr Danmörku gaf hann Þorsteini að skilnaði. Þorsteinn gaf Agli góðar gjafir og mæltu til mikillar vináttu sín í milli. Egill gerði sendimenn til Þórðar á Aurland, mágs síns, og fékk honum umboð sitt að skipa jarðir þær er Egill átti í Sogni og á Hörðalandi og bað hann selja ef kaupendur væru til.

Og er Egill var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá sigldu þeir út eftir Víkinni og svo leið sína norður fyrir Noreg og síðan í haf út. Byrjaði þeim til góðrar hlítar, komu af hafi í Borgarfjörð og hélt Egill skipinu inn eftir firðinum og til hafnar skammt frá bæ sínum og lét heim flytja varnað sinn en ráða skipi til hlunns. Egill fór heim til bús síns. Urðu menn honum fegnir. Dvaldist Egill þar þann vetur.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek

2016-01-19T07:26:47Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Unwerth, Wolf von
* '''Title''': Zu Egills Sonatorrek
* '''Published in''': ''Untersuchungen über Totenkult und Odinnverehrung bei Nordgermanen und Lappen''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Breslau: M. & H. Marcus<nowiki>Insert non-formatted text here</nowiki>
* '''Year''': 1911
* '''Pages''': 173-75
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Unwerth, Wolf von. "Zu Egills Sonatorrek." ''Untersuchungen über Totenkult und Odinnverehrung bei Nordgermanen und Lappen.'' Breslau: M. & H. Marcus, 1911, pp. 173–75.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

This excursus concerns compositional issues as well as content aspects of Egill’s Sonatorrek. Von Unwerth speaks out against Neckel’s supposition that Sonatorrek is the product of Old English elegiac poetry influences on Egill and states that it represents Egill’s thoughts and his inner conflict, which finds its expression in the flawed succession of stanzas. Since Egill frequently refers to it, the prevailing mood of the poem is his son’s death.

The main text of the book also shortly touches on Sonatorrek (§55, pp. 104-109), where von Unwerth, too, discusses its content and composition. In addition, he concludes that Sonatorrek proves the perception that death by illness could also be seen as inflicted by Óðinn and likewise that of illness deceased and drowned are taken to Valhǫll. The excursus, however, does not take this conclusion into account.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

[[Egla,_78|Chapter 78]]: “Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten.“ (p. 174)

==Links==

* ''Written by:Felix Lummer
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 78

2016-01-19T07:25:19Z

Beth Rogers:

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

'''Egil comes to Thorfinn's. The harrying of king Hacon'''

Egil traveled on till he came westward out of the wood. They made for Thorfinn's that evening, where they were well received: their wounds were bound up, and they stayed there several nights. Helga, the master's daughter, was now on her feet, and whole of her ailment.<ref>'''whole of her ailment''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (p. 137).</ref> For this she and all the family thanked Egil. He and his rested there themselves and their beasts.

The man who had graved the runes for Helga dwelt not far off. It now came out that he had asked her to wife, but Thorfinn would not give her. Then this landowner's son would fain beguile her, but she would not consent. So he thought to grave for her love-runes, but he did not understand them aright, and graved that wherefrom she took her sickness.

And when Egil was ready to depart, Thorfinn and his son escorted them on the road: they being thus ten or twelve in company. They went with them all that day as a guard against Armod and his house-carles. But when the tidings were heard how Egil's band had fought against overwhelming odds in the wood and conquered, then Armod thought it hopeless to raise shield against Egil: wherefore he with all his men sat at home. Egil and Thorfinn exchanged gifts at parting, and pledged themselves to friendship. Then Egil and his men went their way, and no tidings are told of their journey before they came to Thorstein's.

There their wounds were healed. Egil stayed there till spring. But Thorstein sent messengers to king Hacon to bring him the tribute for which Egil had gone to Vermaland. Who, when they came before the king, told him the tidings of what had been done in Egil's journey, and brought him the tribute. The king was now sure that what he had before suspected was true, namely, that earl Arnvid had caused the slaying of the two companies of messengers sent eastwards by him. The king said that Thorstein should have leave to dwell in the land, and should be reconciled to him. Then the messengers returned home; and on coming to Thorstein's told him that the king was well pleased with this Vermaland journey, and that Thorstein was now to have reconciliation and friendship with the king.

King Hacon in the summer went eastwards to Vik: whence he journeyed still eastwards to Vermaland with a large force. Earl Arnvid fled away; but the king took large fines from those landowners whom he thought guilty against him according to the report of those who went after the tribute. [[Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek.]] (p. 174).</ref> He set over the land another earl, taking hostages of him and of the landowners. In this expedition Hacon went far and wide about western Gautland and subdued it, as is told in his Saga, and is found in the poems composed about him. It is also told that he went to Denmark, and harried there far and wide. Then was it that with two ships he disabled twelve ships of the Danes, and gave to Tryggva, son of his brother Olaf, the name of king and the rule over Vik eastwards.

Egil in the summer made ready his merchant-ship and got thereto a crew. But the long-ship that he had brought from Denmark in the autumn he gave to Thorstein at parting. Thorstein gave Egil good gifts, and they pledged them to close friendship. Egil sent messengers to Thord, his wife's kinsman, at Aurland, and gave him charge to arrange for those lands that Egil owned in Sogn and Hordaland, bidding him sell them if there were a buyer. And when Egil was ready for his voyage, they sailed out along the bay, and then northwards along the Norway coast, and afterwards out into the main. They had a fairly good breeze, and came from the main into Borgar-firth; and Egil steered his ship up the firth to the haven close to his own house. He had his cargo conveyed home, and his ship set up on wooden props. Egil went home to his house: fain were folk to see him; and there he stayed for that winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

'''Egill kom til Þorfinns'''

Egill fór til þess er hann kom vestur af skóginum. Sóttu þeir til Þorfinns að kveldi og fengu þar allgóðar viðtökur. Voru þá bundin sár þeirra Egils. Nokkurar nætur voru þeir þar. Helga dóttir bónda var þá á fótum og heil meina sinna.<ref>'''heil meina sinna''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (s. 137).</ref> Þakkaði hún og öll þau Agli það. Hvíldu sig þar og eyki sína.

En maður sá er Helgu hafði rúnar ristið var þaðan skammt á brott. Kom það þá upp að hann hafði beðið hennar en Þorfinnur vildi eigi gifta hana. Þá vildi bóndason glepja hana en hún vildi eigi. Þá þóttist hann rista henni manrúnar en hann kunni það eigi og hafði hann það ristið henni er hún fékk meinsemi af.

Og er Egill var til brottfarar búinn þá fylgdi Þorfinnur honum og þeir feðgar á götu. Voru þeir þá saman tíu eða tólf. Fóru þeir þá dag þann allan með þeim til varúðar fyrir Ármóði og húskörlum hans. Og er þessi tíðindi spurðust, að þeir Egill höfðu barist við ofurefli liðs á skóginum og sigrað, þá þótti Ármóði engi von að hann mundi mega reisa rönd við Agli. Sat Ármóður því heima við alla sína menn. Þeir Egill og Þorfinnur skiptust gjöfum við að skilnaði og mæltu til vináttu með sér.

Síðan fóru þeir Egill leið sína og er ekki sagt að til tíðinda yrði í ferð þeirra áður þeir komu til Þorsteins. Voru þá grædd sár þeirra. Dvöldust þeir Egill þar til vors. En Þorsteinn fékk sendimenn til Hákonar konungs að færa honum skatt þann er Egill hafði sótt til Vermalands. Og er þeir komu á konungs fund þá sögðu þeir honum tíðindi þau er gerst höfðu í ferð þeirra Egils og færðu honum skattinn. Konungur þóttist þá vita að það mundi satt vera er áður hafði hann grunað um að Arnviður jarl mundi hafa látið drepa sendimenn hans tvenna er hann hafði austur sent. Sagði konungur að Þorsteinn skyldi þá hafa landsvist og vera í sætt við hann. Fara sendimenn síðan heimleiðis. Og er þeir koma aftur til Þorsteins þá segja þeir honum að konungur lét vel yfir þessi ferð og Þorsteinn skyldi þá vera í sætt og vináttu við konung.

Hákon konungur fór í Vík austur um sumarið en þaðan gerði hann ferð sína austur á Vermaland með mikið lið. Arnviður jarl flýði undan en konungur tók stór gjöld af bóndum þeim er honum þóttu í sökum við sig svo sem sagt er af þeim er skattinn sóttu. Setti hann þar yfir jarl annan og tók gíslar af honum og bóndum.

Hákon konungur fór í þeirri ferð víða um Gautland hið vestra og lagði það undir sig, svo sem sagt er í sögu hans og finnst í kvæðum þeim er um hann hafa ort verið. Þá er og sagt að hann fór til Danmerkur og herjaði þar víða. Þá hrauð hann tólf skip af Dönum með tveimur skipum og þá gaf hann konungsnafn Tryggva Ólafssyni bróðursyni sínum og vald yfir Víkinni austur.

Egill bjó kaupskip sitt um sumarið og réð þar til föruneyti en langskip það er hann hafði haft um haustið úr Danmörku gaf hann Þorsteini að skilnaði. Þorsteinn gaf Agli góðar gjafir og mæltu til mikillar vináttu sín í milli. Egill gerði sendimenn til Þórðar á Aurland, mágs síns, og fékk honum umboð sitt að skipa jarðir þær er Egill átti í Sogni og á Hörðalandi og bað hann selja ef kaupendur væru til.

Og er Egill var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá sigldu þeir út eftir Víkinni og svo leið sína norður fyrir Noreg og síðan í haf út. Byrjaði þeim til góðrar hlítar, komu af hafi í Borgarfjörð og hélt Egill skipinu inn eftir firðinum og til hafnar skammt frá bæ sínum og lét heim flytja varnað sinn en ráða skipi til hlunns. Egill fór heim til bús síns. Urðu menn honum fegnir. Dvaldist Egill þar þann vetur.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 78

2016-01-19T07:24:05Z

Beth Rogers:

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

'''Egil comes to Thorfinn's. The harrying of king Hacon'''

Egil traveled on till he came westward out of the wood. They made for Thorfinn's that evening, where they were well received: their wounds were bound up, and they stayed there several nights. Helga, the master's daughter, was now on her feet, and whole of her ailment.<ref>'''whole of her ailment''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (p. 137).</ref> For this she and all the family thanked Egil. He and his rested there themselves and their beasts.

The man who had graved the runes for Helga dwelt not far off. It now came out that he had asked her to wife, but Thorfinn would not give her. Then this landowner's son would fain beguile her, but she would not consent. So he thought to grave for her love-runes, but he did not understand them aright, and graved that wherefrom she took her sickness.

And when Egil was ready to depart, Thorfinn and his son escorted them on the road: they being thus ten or twelve in company. They went with them all that day as a guard against Armod and his house-carles. But when the tidings were heard how Egil's band had fought against overwhelming odds in the wood and conquered, then Armod thought it hopeless to raise shield against Egil: wherefore he with all his men sat at home. Egil and Thorfinn exchanged gifts at parting, and pledged themselves to friendship. Then Egil and his men went their way, and no tidings are told of their journey before they came to Thorstein's.

There their wounds were healed. Egil stayed there till spring. But Thorstein sent messengers to king Hacon to bring him the tribute for which Egil had gone to Vermaland. Who, when they came before the king, told him the tidings of what had been done in Egil's journey, and brought him the tribute. The king was now sure that what he had before suspected was true, namely, that earl Arnvid had caused the slaying of the two companies of messengers sent eastwards by him. The king said that Thorstein should have leave to dwell in the land, and should be reconciled to him. Then the messengers returned home; and on coming to Thorstein's told him that the king was well pleased with this Vermaland journey, and that Thorstein was now to have reconciliation and friendship with the king.

King Hacon in the summer went eastwards to Vik: whence he journeyed still eastwards to Vermaland with a large force. Earl Arnvid fled away; but the king took large fines from those landowners whom he thought guilty against him according to the report of those who went after the tribute. [[UWolf von Unwerth. Zu Egills Sonatorrek.]] (p. 174).</ref> He set over the land another earl, taking hostages of him and of the landowners. In this expedition Hacon went far and wide about western Gautland and subdued it, as is told in his Saga, and is found in the poems composed about him. It is also told that he went to Denmark, and harried there far and wide. Then was it that with two ships he disabled twelve ships of the Danes, and gave to Tryggva, son of his brother Olaf, the name of king and the rule over Vik eastwards.

Egil in the summer made ready his merchant-ship and got thereto a crew. But the long-ship that he had brought from Denmark in the autumn he gave to Thorstein at parting. Thorstein gave Egil good gifts, and they pledged them to close friendship. Egil sent messengers to Thord, his wife's kinsman, at Aurland, and gave him charge to arrange for those lands that Egil owned in Sogn and Hordaland, bidding him sell them if there were a buyer. And when Egil was ready for his voyage, they sailed out along the bay, and then northwards along the Norway coast, and afterwards out into the main. They had a fairly good breeze, and came from the main into Borgar-firth; and Egil steered his ship up the firth to the haven close to his own house. He had his cargo conveyed home, and his ship set up on wooden props. Egil went home to his house: fain were folk to see him; and there he stayed for that winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

'''Egill kom til Þorfinns'''

Egill fór til þess er hann kom vestur af skóginum. Sóttu þeir til Þorfinns að kveldi og fengu þar allgóðar viðtökur. Voru þá bundin sár þeirra Egils. Nokkurar nætur voru þeir þar. Helga dóttir bónda var þá á fótum og heil meina sinna.<ref>'''heil meina sinna''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (s. 137).</ref> Þakkaði hún og öll þau Agli það. Hvíldu sig þar og eyki sína.

En maður sá er Helgu hafði rúnar ristið var þaðan skammt á brott. Kom það þá upp að hann hafði beðið hennar en Þorfinnur vildi eigi gifta hana. Þá vildi bóndason glepja hana en hún vildi eigi. Þá þóttist hann rista henni manrúnar en hann kunni það eigi og hafði hann það ristið henni er hún fékk meinsemi af.

Og er Egill var til brottfarar búinn þá fylgdi Þorfinnur honum og þeir feðgar á götu. Voru þeir þá saman tíu eða tólf. Fóru þeir þá dag þann allan með þeim til varúðar fyrir Ármóði og húskörlum hans. Og er þessi tíðindi spurðust, að þeir Egill höfðu barist við ofurefli liðs á skóginum og sigrað, þá þótti Ármóði engi von að hann mundi mega reisa rönd við Agli. Sat Ármóður því heima við alla sína menn. Þeir Egill og Þorfinnur skiptust gjöfum við að skilnaði og mæltu til vináttu með sér.

Síðan fóru þeir Egill leið sína og er ekki sagt að til tíðinda yrði í ferð þeirra áður þeir komu til Þorsteins. Voru þá grædd sár þeirra. Dvöldust þeir Egill þar til vors. En Þorsteinn fékk sendimenn til Hákonar konungs að færa honum skatt þann er Egill hafði sótt til Vermalands. Og er þeir komu á konungs fund þá sögðu þeir honum tíðindi þau er gerst höfðu í ferð þeirra Egils og færðu honum skattinn. Konungur þóttist þá vita að það mundi satt vera er áður hafði hann grunað um að Arnviður jarl mundi hafa látið drepa sendimenn hans tvenna er hann hafði austur sent. Sagði konungur að Þorsteinn skyldi þá hafa landsvist og vera í sætt við hann. Fara sendimenn síðan heimleiðis. Og er þeir koma aftur til Þorsteins þá segja þeir honum að konungur lét vel yfir þessi ferð og Þorsteinn skyldi þá vera í sætt og vináttu við konung.

Hákon konungur fór í Vík austur um sumarið en þaðan gerði hann ferð sína austur á Vermaland með mikið lið. Arnviður jarl flýði undan en konungur tók stór gjöld af bóndum þeim er honum þóttu í sökum við sig svo sem sagt er af þeim er skattinn sóttu. Setti hann þar yfir jarl annan og tók gíslar af honum og bóndum.

Hákon konungur fór í þeirri ferð víða um Gautland hið vestra og lagði það undir sig, svo sem sagt er í sögu hans og finnst í kvæðum þeim er um hann hafa ort verið. Þá er og sagt að hann fór til Danmerkur og herjaði þar víða. Þá hrauð hann tólf skip af Dönum með tveimur skipum og þá gaf hann konungsnafn Tryggva Ólafssyni bróðursyni sínum og vald yfir Víkinni austur.

Egill bjó kaupskip sitt um sumarið og réð þar til föruneyti en langskip það er hann hafði haft um haustið úr Danmörku gaf hann Þorsteini að skilnaði. Þorsteinn gaf Agli góðar gjafir og mæltu til mikillar vináttu sín í milli. Egill gerði sendimenn til Þórðar á Aurland, mágs síns, og fékk honum umboð sitt að skipa jarðir þær er Egill átti í Sogni og á Hörðalandi og bað hann selja ef kaupendur væru til.

Og er Egill var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá sigldu þeir út eftir Víkinni og svo leið sína norður fyrir Noreg og síðan í haf út. Byrjaði þeim til góðrar hlítar, komu af hafi í Borgarfjörð og hélt Egill skipinu inn eftir firðinum og til hafnar skammt frá bæ sínum og lét heim flytja varnað sinn en ráða skipi til hlunns. Egill fór heim til bús síns. Urðu menn honum fegnir. Dvaldist Egill þar þann vetur.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 78

2016-01-19T07:23:20Z

Beth Rogers:

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 78==

'''Egil comes to Thorfinn's. The harrying of king Hacon'''

Egil traveled on till he came westward out of the wood. They made for Thorfinn's that evening, where they were well received: their wounds were bound up, and they stayed there several nights. Helga, the master's daughter, was now on her feet, and whole of her ailment.<ref>'''whole of her ailment''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (p. 137).</ref> For this she and all the family thanked Egil. He and his rested there themselves and their beasts.

The man who had graved the runes for Helga dwelt not far off. It now came out that he had asked her to wife, but Thorfinn would not give her. Then this landowner's son would fain beguile her, but she would not consent. So he thought to grave for her love-runes, but he did not understand them aright, and graved that wherefrom she took her sickness.

And when Egil was ready to depart, Thorfinn and his son escorted them on the road: they being thus ten or twelve in company. They went with them all that day as a guard against Armod and his house-carles. But when the tidings were heard how Egil's band had fought against overwhelming odds in the wood and conquered, then Armod thought it hopeless to raise shield against Egil: wherefore he with all his men sat at home. Egil and Thorfinn exchanged gifts at parting, and pledged themselves to friendship. Then Egil and his men went their way, and no tidings are told of their journey before they came to Thorstein's.

There their wounds were healed. Egil stayed there till spring. But Thorstein sent messengers to king Hacon to bring him the tribute for which Egil had gone to Vermaland. Who, when they came before the king, told him the tidings of what had been done in Egil's journey, and brought him the tribute. The king was now sure that what he had before suspected was true, namely, that earl Arnvid had caused the slaying of the two companies of messengers sent eastwards by him. The king said that Thorstein should have leave to dwell in the land, and should be reconciled to him. Then the messengers returned home; and on coming to Thorstein's told him that the king was well pleased with this Vermaland journey, and that Thorstein was now to have reconciliation and friendship with the king.

King Hacon in the summer went eastwards to Vik: whence he journeyed still eastwards to Vermaland with a large force. Earl Arnvid fled away; but the king took large fines from those landowners whom he thought guilty against him according to the report of those who went after the tribute. [[UWolf von Unwerth. Zu Egills Sonatorrek.]] (p. 174).</ref>He set over the land another earl, taking hostages of him and of the landowners. In this expedition Hacon went far and wide about western Gautland and subdued it, as is told in his Saga, and is found in the poems composed about him. It is also told that he went to Denmark, and harried there far and wide. Then was it that with two ships he disabled twelve ships of the Danes, and gave to Tryggva, son of his brother Olaf, the name of king and the rule over Vik eastwards.

Egil in the summer made ready his merchant-ship and got thereto a crew. But the long-ship that he had brought from Denmark in the autumn he gave to Thorstein at parting. Thorstein gave Egil good gifts, and they pledged them to close friendship. Egil sent messengers to Thord, his wife's kinsman, at Aurland, and gave him charge to arrange for those lands that Egil owned in Sogn and Hordaland, bidding him sell them if there were a buyer. And when Egil was ready for his voyage, they sailed out along the bay, and then northwards along the Norway coast, and afterwards out into the main. They had a fairly good breeze, and came from the main into Borgar-firth; and Egil steered his ship up the firth to the haven close to his own house. He had his cargo conveyed home, and his ship set up on wooden props. Egil went home to his house: fain were folk to see him; and there he stayed for that winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 78==

'''Egill kom til Þorfinns'''

Egill fór til þess er hann kom vestur af skóginum. Sóttu þeir til Þorfinns að kveldi og fengu þar allgóðar viðtökur. Voru þá bundin sár þeirra Egils. Nokkurar nætur voru þeir þar. Helga dóttir bónda var þá á fótum og heil meina sinna.<ref>'''heil meina sinna''': “the account of Egill’s trip to Vermaland contains another borrowing from Scripture, more precisely the gospels, in the episode of Egill’s magical cure of Helga Þórfinnsdóttir, reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s miraculous cure of the daughter of Jairus, who like Þórfinnur to Egill, offers hospitality to Jesus on his travels”. [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Political exegesis or personal expression? The problem of Egils saga]] (s. 137).</ref> Þakkaði hún og öll þau Agli það. Hvíldu sig þar og eyki sína.

En maður sá er Helgu hafði rúnar ristið var þaðan skammt á brott. Kom það þá upp að hann hafði beðið hennar en Þorfinnur vildi eigi gifta hana. Þá vildi bóndason glepja hana en hún vildi eigi. Þá þóttist hann rista henni manrúnar en hann kunni það eigi og hafði hann það ristið henni er hún fékk meinsemi af.

Og er Egill var til brottfarar búinn þá fylgdi Þorfinnur honum og þeir feðgar á götu. Voru þeir þá saman tíu eða tólf. Fóru þeir þá dag þann allan með þeim til varúðar fyrir Ármóði og húskörlum hans. Og er þessi tíðindi spurðust, að þeir Egill höfðu barist við ofurefli liðs á skóginum og sigrað, þá þótti Ármóði engi von að hann mundi mega reisa rönd við Agli. Sat Ármóður því heima við alla sína menn. Þeir Egill og Þorfinnur skiptust gjöfum við að skilnaði og mæltu til vináttu með sér.

Síðan fóru þeir Egill leið sína og er ekki sagt að til tíðinda yrði í ferð þeirra áður þeir komu til Þorsteins. Voru þá grædd sár þeirra. Dvöldust þeir Egill þar til vors. En Þorsteinn fékk sendimenn til Hákonar konungs að færa honum skatt þann er Egill hafði sótt til Vermalands. Og er þeir komu á konungs fund þá sögðu þeir honum tíðindi þau er gerst höfðu í ferð þeirra Egils og færðu honum skattinn. Konungur þóttist þá vita að það mundi satt vera er áður hafði hann grunað um að Arnviður jarl mundi hafa látið drepa sendimenn hans tvenna er hann hafði austur sent. Sagði konungur að Þorsteinn skyldi þá hafa landsvist og vera í sætt við hann. Fara sendimenn síðan heimleiðis. Og er þeir koma aftur til Þorsteins þá segja þeir honum að konungur lét vel yfir þessi ferð og Þorsteinn skyldi þá vera í sætt og vináttu við konung.

Hákon konungur fór í Vík austur um sumarið en þaðan gerði hann ferð sína austur á Vermaland með mikið lið. Arnviður jarl flýði undan en konungur tók stór gjöld af bóndum þeim er honum þóttu í sökum við sig svo sem sagt er af þeim er skattinn sóttu. Setti hann þar yfir jarl annan og tók gíslar af honum og bóndum.

Hákon konungur fór í þeirri ferð víða um Gautland hið vestra og lagði það undir sig, svo sem sagt er í sögu hans og finnst í kvæðum þeim er um hann hafa ort verið. Þá er og sagt að hann fór til Danmerkur og herjaði þar víða. Þá hrauð hann tólf skip af Dönum með tveimur skipum og þá gaf hann konungsnafn Tryggva Ólafssyni bróðursyni sínum og vald yfir Víkinni austur.

Egill bjó kaupskip sitt um sumarið og réð þar til föruneyti en langskip það er hann hafði haft um haustið úr Danmörku gaf hann Þorsteini að skilnaði. Þorsteinn gaf Agli góðar gjafir og mæltu til mikillar vináttu sín í milli. Egill gerði sendimenn til Þórðar á Aurland, mágs síns, og fékk honum umboð sitt að skipa jarðir þær er Egill átti í Sogni og á Hörðalandi og bað hann selja ef kaupendur væru til.

Og er Egill var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá sigldu þeir út eftir Víkinni og svo leið sína norður fyrir Noreg og síðan í haf út. Byrjaði þeim til góðrar hlítar, komu af hafi í Borgarfjörð og hélt Egill skipinu inn eftir firðinum og til hafnar skammt frá bæ sínum og lét heim flytja varnað sinn en ráða skipi til hlunns. Egill fór heim til bús síns. Urðu menn honum fegnir. Dvaldist Egill þar þann vetur.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek

2016-01-19T07:18:49Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Unwerth, Wolf von
* '''Title''': Zu Egills Sonatorrek
* '''Published in''': ''Untersuchungen über Totenkult und Odinnverehrung bei Nordgermanen und Lappen''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Breslau: M. & H. Marcus<nowiki>Insert non-formatted text here</nowiki>
* '''Year''': 1911
* '''Pages''': 173-75
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Unwerth, Wolf von. "Zu Egills Sonatorrek." ''Untersuchungen über Totenkult und Odinnverehrung bei Nordgermanen und Lappen.'' Breslau: M. & H. Marcus, 1911, pp. 173–75.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

This excursus concerns compositional issues as well as content aspects of Egill’s Sonatorrek. Von Unwerth speaks out against Neckel’s supposition that Sonatorrek is the product of Old English elegiac poetry influences on Egill and states that it represents Egill’s thoughts and his inner conflict, which finds its expression in the flawed succession of stanzas. Since Egill frequently refers to it, the prevailing mood of the poem is his son’s death.

The main text of the book also shortly touches on Sonatorrek (§55, pp. 104-109), where von Unwerth, too, discusses its content and composition. In addition, he concludes that Sonatorrek proves the perception that death by illness could also be seen as inflicted by Óðinn and likewise that of illness deceased and drowned are taken to Valhǫll. The excursus, however, does not take this conclusion into account.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

[[Egla,_78|Chapter 78]]: “Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten.“ (p. 174)

==Links==

* ''Written by:'Felix Lummer'
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Unwerth, Wolf von. Zu Egills Sonatorrek

2016-01-19T07:18:10Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Unwerth, Wolf von
* '''Title''': Zu Egills Sonatorrek
* '''Published in''': ''Untersuchungen über Totenkult und Odinnverehrung bei Nordgermanen und Lappen''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Breslau: M. & H. Marcus<nowiki>Insert non-formatted text here</nowiki>
* '''Year''': 1911
* '''Pages''': 173-75
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Unwerth, Wolf von. "Zu Egills Sonatorrek." ''Untersuchungen über Totenkult und Odinnverehrung bei Nordgermanen und Lappen.'' Breslau: M. & H. Marcus, 1911, pp. 173–75.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

This excursus concerns compositional issues as well as content aspects of Egill’s Sonatorrek. Von Unwerth speaks out against Neckel’s supposition that Sonatorrek is the product of Old English elegiac poetry influences on Egill and states that it represents Egill’s thoughts and his inner conflict, which finds its expression in the flawed succession of stanzas. Since Egill frequently refers to it, the prevailing mood of the poem is his son’s death.

The main text of the book also shortly touches on Sonatorrek (§55, pp. 104-109), where von Unwerth, too, discusses its content and composition. In addition, he concludes that Sonatorrek proves the perception that death by illness could also be seen as inflicted by Óðinn and likewise that of illness deceased and drowned are taken to Valhǫll. The excursus, however, does not take this conclusion into account.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

[[Egla,_55|Chapter 78]]: “Es ist nicht eine im Gedanken an englische Vorbilder ausgearbeitete Elegie, sondern ein poetischer Ausdruck der Gedanken und Empfindungen Egills, wie sie ihn an jenem Tage erfüllten.“ (p. 174)

==Links==

* ''Written by:'Felix Lummer'
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 55

2015-11-15T02:24:19Z

Beth Rogers: /* Chapter 55 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 55==

'''Egil buries Thorolf'''

While his men still pursued the fugitives, king Athelstan left the battle-field, and rode back to the town, nor stayed he for the night before he came thither. But Egil pursued the flying foe, and followed them far, slaying every man whom he overtook. At length, sated with pursuit, he with his followers turned back, and came where the battle had been, and found there the dead body of his brother Thorolf. He took it up, washed it, and performed such other offices as were the wont of the time. They dug a grave there, and laid Thorolf therein with all his weapons and raiment. Then Egil clasped a gold bracelet<ref>'''clasped a gold bracelet''': „I think it is underestimating some of the deeper roots of his character, as a man and as a poet, to ascribe to him a meanness such as evoked by the word avarice. The conflict in his mind – if there ever was one – did not arise out of material, but of spiritual interests. Is it in keeping with this supposed vice, when Egill puts a gold ring on both Þórólf’s arms before burying him?“ [[Bouman, Ari C. Egill Skallagrímsson‘s Poem Sonatorrek]] (p. 23).</ref> on either wrist before he parted from him; this done they heaped on stones and cast in mould. Then Egil sang a stave:

'Dauntless the doughty champion 
Dashed on, the earl's bold slayer: 
In stormy stress of battle.<ref>'''in stormy stress of battle''': "Haukr [Valdísarson] apparently knew Egill’s verse in Egils Saga about the battle in Vínheiðr. ‘Helt, né hrafnar sultu,/ Hringr á vápna þingi,’ says Egill, and ‘þreklundaðr fell Þundar/ Þórólfr í gný stórum,’ which should be compared with: ‘Hrings fell á því þingi/ Þórólfr í gný stórum,’ in the [Íslendinga]drápa." [[Jónas Kristjánsson. Íslendingadrápa and Oral Tradition]] (p. 90).</ref> 
Stout-hearted Thorolf fell. 
Green grows on soil<ref>'''Green grows on soil''': "In one and the same verse the
impassive re-growing or, better said, the endless growing in nature is opposed to […]
the personal revolt, in a cry that is soon broken off and taken up again after a wide gap
of almost two verses «en vér verðum […] hylja harm»." [[Koch, Ludovica. Gli scaldi]] (p. 11).</ref> of Vin-heath 
Grass o'er my noble brother: 
But we our woe - a sorrow 
Worse than death-pang must bear.' 

And again he further sang:

'With warriors slain round standard 
The western field I burdened; 
Adils with my blue Adder 
Assailed mid snow of war. 
Olaf, young prince, encountered 
England in battle thunder: 
Hring stood not stour of weapons, 
Starved not the ravens' maw.' 

Then went Egil and those about him to seek king Athelstan, and at once went before the king, where he sat at the drinking. There was much noise of merriment. And when the king saw that Egil was come in, he bade the lower bench be cleared for them, and that Egil should sit in the high-seat facing the king. Egil sat down there, and cast his shield before his feet. He had his helm on his head, and laid his sword across his knees; and now and again he half drew it, then clashed it back into the sheath. He sat upright, but with head bent forward.

Egil was large-featured, broad of forehead, with large eyebrows, a nose not long but very thick, lips wide and long, chin exceeding broad, as was all about the jaws; thick-necked was he, and big-shouldered beyond other men, hard-featured, and grim when angry.<ref>'''narrative tool''': “This technique is used most effectively in chapter 55 of ''Egils saga'' where Egill finally takes over centre stage after the death of Þórólfr at the battle of Vínheiðr. All action seems to halt while the author skilfully builds the tension by giving a long description of Egill sitting across from the king, still in his armour, violently pulling his sword halfway out of its scabbard and slamming it back in.” [[Blaney, Benjamin. The Narrative Technique of Character Delineation in Egils saga]] (s. 344).</ref> He was well-made, more than commonly tall, had hair wolf-gray and thick, but became early bald. He was black-eyed and brown-skinned,

But as he sat (as was before written), he drew one eye-brow down towards the cheek<ref>'''one eye-brow down towards the cheek''': "When in the grip of fury, Celtic and Germanic berserks contorted their faces and bodies in frightening ways. Among Irish heroes, Cū Chulainn is famous for this. Likewise tenth-century Egil: when he came to claim the wergild for his slain brother, he showed the king how mad he was by drooping one eyebrow down towards his cheek, raising the other up to the roots of his hair and moving his eyebrows alternately up and down." [[Speidel, Michael P. Berserks: A History of Indo-European “Mad Warriors”]] (p. 260).</ref>, the other up to the roots of the hair<ref>'''up to the roots of the hair''': "In many ways this scene is reminiscent of the confrontation between Heiðrekr and Gestumblindi in Hervarar saga, and also of a scene in Grímnismál that was probably the prototype. The presence of fire, the face-to-face encounter between the kind and a newcomer, and the fact that Egill closes one eye as if in imitation of Óðinn, who occupies the role that Egill occupies in the two other episodes, can be viewed as allusions to these scenes, which, as we have seen, are both bound up with the motif of fratricide". [[Torfi H. Tulinius. An Attempt at Application: Interpreting Egils saga]] (p. 255).</ref>. He would not drink now, though the horn was borne to him, but alternately twitched his brows up and down. King Athelstan sat in the upper high-seat. He too laid his sword across his knees. When they had sat there for a time,<ref>'''sat there for a time''': "Þessi óviðjafnanlega smámynd úr Egils sögu ber snilld höfundarins fagurt vitni. Hann nær hinum sterkustu áhrifum með algerðu þagnarspili milli tveggja leikenda. [...] Ekki veit ég, hvað konungi hefur búið í hug, er hann horfðist í augu við Egil um hallargólf þvert, en mig grunar, að honum hafi þá skilizt, að það var sómi Þórólfs, hins fallna höfðingja, en ekki ágirnd ein, sem var um að tefla." [[Kristján Eldjárn. Kistur Aðalsteins konungs]] (pp. 97-98).</ref> then the king drew his sword from the sheath, and took from his arm a gold ring large and good, and placing it upon the sword-point he stood up, and went across the floor, and reached it over the fire<ref>'''reached it over the fire''': "When the king puts a gold ring on the tip of his sword and hands it across the fire to Egill, who receives it in like fashion, it is not just a sign of fear or mistrust, but also - symbolically - an act of social recognition. The exact symmetry in the way the two men are presented is more important than the gift involved; it shows Egill and Athelstan as equals. ... The imaginary vision of an English court where justice and generosity prevail is in stark contrast with the less favorable impression which the saga offers of the Norwegian courts of King Harald and his sons. From this point of view the author hardly included the Vínheiðr episode to relate an event in the history of Anglo-Saxon England but as a literary counterpoint with a thinly veiled political message." [[Magnús Fjalldal. A Farmer in the Court of King Athelstan]] (pp. 29-31).</ref> to Egil. Egil stood up and drew his sword, and went across the floor. He stuck the sword-point within the round of the ring, and drew it to him; then he went back to his place. The king sate him again in his high-seat. But when Egil was set down, he drew the ring on his arm, and then his brows went back to their place. He now laid down sword and helm, took the horn that they bare to him, and drank it off. Then sang he:

'Mailed monarch, god of battle, 
Maketh the tinkling circlet 
Hang, his own arm forsaking, 
On hawk-trod wrist of mine. 
I bear on arm brand-wielding 
Bracelet of red gold gladly. 
War-falcon's feeder meetly 
Findeth such meed of praise.' 

Thereafter Egil drank his share, and talked with others. Presently the king caused to be borne in two chests; two men bare each. Both were full of silver.

The king said: 'These chests, Egil, thou shalt have, and, if thou comest to Iceland, shalt carry this money to thy father; as payment for a son I send it to him: but some of the money thou shalt divide among such kinsmen of thyself and Thorolf as thou thinkest most honourable. But thou shalt take here payment for a brother with me, land or chattels, which thou wilt. And if thou wilt abide with me long, then will I give thee honour and dignity such as thyself mayst name.'

Egil took the money, and thanked the king for his gifts and friendly words. Thenceforward Egil began to be cheerful; and then he sang:

'In sorrow sadly drooping 
Sank my brows close-knitted; 
Then found I one who furrows 
Of forehead<ref>'''furrows of forehead''': "No doubt the wry sense of humour and jesting pleasure in his own ugliness, shown by Egill Skallagrímsson in his poems and verses, also owes something to tradition. On the other hand, the author is probably to be credited with some of the comic elements in Egill’s character. These arise mainly from one of the basic vices of heroic society – he is incurably avaricious. Since Egill is also essentially unselfconcious the author can make the avarice humorous by the casual air with which at various times he makes the point." [[Wilson, R.M. Comedy and Character in the Icelandic Family Sagas]] (p. 121-22).</ref> could smooth. 
Fierce-frowning cliffs that shaded 
My face a king hath lifted 
With gleam of golden armlet: 
Gloom leaveth my eyes.' 

Then those men were healed whose wounds left hope of life. Egil abode with king Athelstan<ref>'''Egil abode with king Athelstan''': "Wood includes Egill Skallagrímsson among the learned men who visited Athelstan’s court, but I dare say Egill was more at home with Eric Bloodaxe." [[Keynes, Simon. King Athelstan’s Books]] (p. 145).</ref> for the next winter after Thorolf's death, and had very great honour from the king. With Egil was then all that force which had followed the two brothers, and come alive out of the battle. Egil now made a poem about king Athelstan, and in it is this stave:

'Land-shielder, battle-quickener, 
Low now this scion royal 
Earls three hath laid. To Ella 
Earth must obedient bow. 
Lavish of gold, kin-glorious, 
Great Athelstan<ref>'''Great Athelstan''': "In these verses by Egill, the naming of the king in the poetic text, along with … indications of its performance context, combine to reinforce the statement of the prose that the poem from which they are taken was indeed composed for performance in England, in the presence of King Æthelstan." [[Jesch, Judith. Skaldic Verse in Scandinavian England]] (p. 316).</ref> victorious, 
Surely, I swear, all humbled 
To such high monarch yields.' 

But this is the burden in the poem:

'Reindeer-trod hills obey 
Bold Athelstan's high sway.' 

Then gave Athelstan further to Egil as poet's meed two gold rings, each weighing a mark, and therewith a costly cloak<ref>'''costly cloak''': "Rewarded poets become part of a relationship of service and payment for helping royal reputations. Egill composes a verse in praise of his new armband and produces another stanza iin praise of Aðalsteinn himself. The king further rewards him with gold and skikkja dýr, er konungr sjálfr hafði áðr borit... This kind of gift absorbs a poet and makes him into what the sovereign wants him to be: dressed for court; visibly in the king's debt; obviously a member of an individual lord's retinue." [[Waugh, Robin. Literacy, Royal Power, and King-Poet Relations in Old English and Old Norse Compositions]] (p. 301).</ref> that the king himself had formerly worn.<ref>'''the king himself had formerly worn:''' "But recherché: METTRE EN VALEUR au double sens du mot: - valeur littéraire (on dit que le poème qu'on va citer est "un rondelet moult bon", par exemple). (Méliador, v. 7275); - valeur financière (l'insertion est payée par le commanditaire)… - "Goal (i.e. of the poetic insertion): VALORISE in both senses of the term: - literary value (one says that the poem one quotes is "a very good rondelet" for example). (Méliador, v. 7275); - financial value (the insertion is paid by the sponsor)… " [[Cerquiglini, Jacqueline. Pour une typologie de l'insertion]] (p. 12).</ref>

But when spring came Egil signified to the king this, that he purposed to go away in the summer to Norway, and to learn 'how matters stand with Asgerdr, my late brother Thorolf's wife. A large property is there in all; but I know not whether there be children of theirs living. I am bound to look after them, if they live; but I am heir to all, if Thorolf died childless.'

The king answered, 'This will be, Egil, for you to arrange, to go away hence, if you think you have an errand of duty; but I think 'twere the best way that you should settle down here with me on such terms as you like to ask.'

Egil thanked the king for his words.

'I will,' he said, 'now first go, as I am in duty bound to do; but it is likely that I shall return hither to see after this promise so soon as I can.'

The king bade him do so.

Whereupon Egil made him ready to depart with his men; but of these many remained behind with the king. Egil had one large war-ship, and on board thereof a hundred men or thereabouts. And when he was ready for his voyage, and a fair wind blew, he put out to sea. He and king Athelstan parted with great friendship: the king begged Egil to return as soon as possible. This Egil promised to do.

Then Egil stood for Norway, and when he came to land sailed with all speed into the Firths. He heard these tidings, that lord Thorir was dead, and Arinbjorn had taken inheritance after him, and was made a baron. Egil went to Arinbjorn and got there a good welcome. Arinbjorn asked him to stay there. Egil accepted this, had his ship set up, and his crew lodged. But Arinbjorn received Egil and twelve men; they stayed with him through the winter.

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 55==

'''Egill jarðaði Þórólf'''

Aðalsteinn konungur sneri í brott frá orustunni en menn hans ráku flóttann. Hann reið aftur til borgarinnar og tók eigi fyrr náttstað en í borginni en Egill rak flóttann og fylgdi þeim lengi og drap hvern mann er hann náði. Síðan sneri hann aftur með sveitunga sína og fór þar til er orustan hafði verið og hitti þar Þórólf bróður sinn látinn. Hann tók upp lík hans og þó, bjó um síðan sem siðvenja var til. Grófu þeir þar gröf og settu Þórólf þar í með vopnum sínum öllum og klæðum. Síðan spennti Egill gullhring á hvora hönd<ref>'''gullhring á hvora hönd''': "I think it is underestimating some of the deeper roots of his character, as a man and as a poet, to ascribe to him a meanness such as evoked by the word avarice. The conflict in his mind – if there ever was one – did not arise out of material, but of spiritual interests. Is it in keeping with this supposed vice, when Egill puts a gold ring on both Þórólf’s arms before burying him?" [[Bouman, Ari C. Egill Skallagrímsson‘s Poem Sonatorrek]] (s. 23).</ref> honum áður hann skildist við, hlóðu síðan að grjóti og jósu að moldu. Þá kvað Egill vísu:

Gekk, sá er óaðist ekki 
jarlmanns bani snarla, 
þreklundaðr féll, Þundar, 
Þórólfr, í gný stórum.<ref>'''í gný stórum''': "Haukr [Valdísarson] apparently knew Egill’s verse in Egils Saga about the battle in Vínheiðr. ‘Helt, né hrafnar sultu,/ Hringr á vápna þingi,’ says Egill, and ‘þreklundaðr fell Þundar/ Þórólfr í gný stórum,’ which should be compared with: ‘Hrings fell á því þingi/ Þórólfr í gný stórum,’ in the [Íslendinga]drápa." [[Jónas Kristjánsson. Íslendingadrápa and Oral Tradition]] (s. 90).</ref> 
Jörð grær, en vér verðum,<ref>'''Jörð grær, en vér verðum''': "In one and the same verse the
impassive re-growing or, better said, the endless growing in nature is opposed to […]
the personal revolt, in a cry that is soon broken off and taken up again after a wide gap
of almost two verses «en vér verðum […] hylja harm»." [[Koch, Ludovica. Gli scaldi]] (s. 11).</ref> 
Vínu nær of mínum, 
helnauð er það, hylja 
harm, ágætum barma. 

Og enn kvað hann:

Valköstum hlóð eg vestan 
vang fyr merkistangir. 
Ótt var él það er sóttag 
Aðils blám Naðri. 
Háði ungum við Engla 
Ólafr þrimu stála. 
Hélt, né hrafnar sultu, 
Hringr á vopna þingi. 

Síðan fór Egill með sveit sína á fund Aðalsteins konungs og gekk þegar fyrir konung er hann sat við drykkju. Þar var glaumur mikill. Og er konungur sá að Egill var inn kominn þá mælti hann að rýma skyldi pallinn þann hinn óæðra fyrir þeim og mælti að Egill skyldi sitja þar í öndvegi gegnt konungi.

Egill settist þar niður og skaut skildinum fyrir fætur sér. Hann hafði hjálm á höfði og lagði sverðið um kné sér og dró annað skeið til hálfs en þá skellti hann aftur í slíðrin. Hann sat uppréttur og var gneyptur mjög. Egill var mikilleitur, ennibreiður, brúnamikill, nefið ekki langt en ákaflega digurt, granstæðið vítt og langt, hakan breið furðulega og svo allt um kjálkana, hálsdigur og herðimikill, svo að það bar frá því sem aðrir menn voru, harðleitur og grimmlegur þá er hann var reiður.<ref>'''narrative tool''': “This technique is used most effectively in chapter 55 of ''Egils saga'' where Egill finally takes over centre stage after the death of Þórólfr at the battle of Vínheiðr. All action seems to halt while the author skilfully builds the tension by giving a long description of Egill sitting across from the king, still in his armour, violently pulling his sword halfway out of its scabbard and slamming it back in.” [[Blaney, Benjamin. The Narrative Technique of Character Delineation in Egils saga]] (s. 344).</ref> Hann var vel í vexti og hverjum manni hærri, úlfgrátt hárið og þykkt og varð snemma sköllóttur. En er hann sat, sem fyrr var ritað, þá hleypti hann annarri brúninni ofan<ref>'''annarri brúninni ofan''': "When in the grip of fury, Celtic and Germanic berserks contorted their faces and bodies in frightening ways. Among Irish heroes, Cū Chulainn is famous for this. Likewise tenth-century Egil: when he came to claim the wergild for his slain brother, he showed the king how mad he was by drooping one eyebrow down towards his cheek, raising the other up to the roots of his hair and moving his eyebrows alternately up and down." [[Speidel, Michael P. Berserks: A History of Indo-European “Mad Warriors”]] (s. 260).</ref> á kinnina en annarri upp í hárrætur.<ref>'''annarri upp í hárrætur''': "In many ways this scene is reminiscent of the confrontation between Heiðrekr and Gestumblindi in Hervarar saga, and also of a scene in Grímnismál that was probably the prototype. The presence of fire, the face-to-face encounter between the kind and a newcomer, and the fact that Egill closes one eye as if in imitation of Óðinn, who occupies the role that Egill occupies in the two other episodes, can be viewed as allusions to these scenes, which, as we have seen, are both bound up with the motif of fratricide". [[Torfi H. Tulinius. An Attempt at Application: Interpreting Egils saga]] (s. 255).</ref> Egill var svarteygur og skolbrúnn. Ekki vildi hann drekka þó að honum væri borið en ýmsum hleypti hann brúnunum ofan eða upp.

Aðalsteinn konungur sat í hásæti. Hann lagði og sverð um kné sér. Og er þeir sátu svo um hríð,<ref>'''sátu svo um hríð''': "Þessi óviðjafnanlega smámynd úr Egils sögu ber snilld höfundarins fagurt vitni. Hann nær hinum sterkustu áhrifum með algerðu þagnarspili milli tveggja leikenda. [...] Ekki veit ég, hvað konungi hefur búið í hug, er hann horfðist í augu við Egil um hallargólf þvert, en mig grunar, að honum hafi þá skilizt, að það var sómi Þórólfs, hins fallna höfðingja, en ekki ágirnd ein, sem var um að tefla." [[Kristján Eldjárn. Kistur Aðalsteins konungs]] (s. 97-98).</ref> þá dró konungur sverðið úr slíðrum og tók gullhring af hendi sér, mikinn og góðan, og dró á blóðrefilinn, stóð upp og gekk á gólfið og rétti yfir eldinn<ref>'''rétti yfir eldinn''': "When the king puts a gold ring on the tip of his sword and hands it across the fire to Egill, who receives it in like fashion, it is not just a sign of fear or mistrust, but also - symbolically - an act of social recognition. The exact symmetry in the way the two men are presented is more important than the gift involved; it shows Egill and Athelstan as equals. ... The imaginary vision of an English court where justice and generosity prevail is in stark contrast with the less favorable impression which the saga offers of the Norwegian courts of King Harald and his sons. From this point of view the author hardly included the Vínheiðr episode to relate an event in the history of Anglo-Saxon England but as a literary counterpoint with a thinly veiled political message." [[Magnús Fjalldal. A Farmer in the Court of King Athelstan]] (s. 29-31).</ref> til Egils. Egill stóð upp og brá sverðinu og gekk á gólfið. Hann stakk sverðinu í bug hringinum og dró að sér, gekk aftur til rúms síns. Konungur settist í hásæti. En er Egill settist niður dró hann hringinn á hönd sér og þá fóru brýnn hans í lag. Lagði hann þá niður sverðið og hjálminn og tók við dýrshorni er honum var borið og drakk af. Þá kvað hann:

Hvarmtangar lætr hanga 
hrynvirgil mér brynju 
Höðr á hauki troðnum 
heiðis vingameiði. 
Rítmeiðis kná eg reiða, 
ræðr gunnvala bræðir, 
gelgju seil á gálga 
geirveðrs, lofi að meira. 

Þaðan af drakk Egill að sínum hlut og mælti við aðra menn.

Eftir það lét konungur bera inn kistur tvær. Báru tveir menn hvora. Voru báðar fullar af silfri.

Konungur mælti: „Kistur þessar Egill skaltu hafa og, ef þú kemur til Íslands, skaltu færa þetta fé föður þínum, í sonargjöld sendi eg honum. En sumu fé skaltu skipta með frændum ykkrum Þórólfs þeim er þér þykja ágætastir. En þú skalt taka hér bróðurgjöld hjá mér, lönd eða lausaaura, hvort er þú vilt heldur, og ef þú vilt með mér dveljast lengdar þá skal eg hér fá þér sæmd og virðing þá er þú kannt mér sjálfur til segja.“

Egill tók við fénu og þakkaði konungi gjafar og vinmæli. Tók Egill þaðan af að gleðjast og þá kvað hann:

Knáttu hvarms af harmi 
hnúpgnípur mér drúpa. 
Nú fann eg þann er ennis 
ósléttur<ref>'''ennis ósléttur''': "No doubt the wry sense of humour and jesting pleasure in his own ugliness, shown by Egill Skallagrímsson in his poems and verses, also owes something to tradition. On the other hand, the author is probably to be credited with some of the comic elements in Egill’s character. These arise mainly from one of the basic vices of heroic society – he is incurably avaricious. Since Egill is also essentially unselfconcious the author can make the avarice humorous by the casual air with which at various times he makes the point." [[Wilson, R.M. Comedy and Character in the Icelandic Family Sagas]] (s. 121-22).</ref> þær rétti. 
Gramr hefir gerðihömrum 
grundar upp um hrundið, 
Sá er til ýgr, af augum, 
armsíma, mér grímu. 

Síðan voru græddir þeir menn er sárir voru og lífs auðið.

Egill dvaldist með Aðalsteini<ref>'''Egill dvaldist með Aðalsteini''': "Wood includes Egill Skallagrímsson among the learned men who visited Athelstan’s court, but I dare say Egill was more at home with Eric Bloodaxe." [[Keynes, Simon. King Athelstan’s Books]] (s. 145).</ref> konungi hinn næsta vetur eftir fall Þórólfs og hafði hann allmiklar virðingar af konungi. Var þá með honum lið það allt er áður hafði fylgt þeim báðum bræðrum og úr orustu höfðu komist. Þá orti Egill drápu um Aðalstein konung og er í því kvæði þetta:

Nú hefir foldgnár fellda, 
fellr jörð und nið Ellu, 
hjaldrsnerrandi, harra, 
höfuðbaðmr, þrjá jöfra. 
Aðalsteinn of vann<ref>'''Aðalsteinn of vann''': "In these verses by Egill, the naming of the king in the poetic text, along with … indications of its performance context, combine to reinforce the statement of the prose that the poem from which they are taken was indeed composed for performance in England, in the presence of King Æthelstan." [[Jesch, Judith. Skaldic Verse in Scandinavian England]] (s. 316).</ref> annað. 
Allt er lægra, kynfrægi, 
hér sverjum þess, hyrjar 
hrannbrjótr, konungmanni. 

En þetta er stefið í drápunni:

Nú liggr hæst und hraustum 
hreinbraut Aðalsteini. 

Aðalsteinn gaf þá enn Agli að bragarlaunum gullhringa tvo og stóð hvor mörk og þar fylgdi skikkja dýr<ref>'''fylgdi skikkja dýr''': "Rewarded poets become part of a relationship of service and payment for helping royal reputations. Egill composes a verse in praise of his new armband and produces another stanza iin praise of Aðalsteinn himself. The king further rewards him with gold and skikkja dýr, er konungr sjálfr hafði áðr borit... This kind of gift absorbs a poet and makes him into what the sovereign wants him to be: dressed for court; visibly in the king's debt; obviously a member of an individual lord's retinue." [[Waugh, Robin. Literacy, Royal Power, and King-Poet Relations in Old English and Old Norse Compositions]] (s. 301).</ref> er konungur sjálfur hafði áður borið.

En er voraði lýsti Egill yfir því fyrir konungi að hann ætlaði í brott um sumarið og til Noregs og vita hvað títt er um hag Ásgerðar „konu þeirrar er átt hefir Þórólfur bróðir minn. Þar standa saman fé mikil en eg veit eigi hvort börn þeirra lifa nokkur. Á eg þar fyrir að sjá ef þau lifa en eg á arf allan ef Þórólfur hefir barnlaus andast.“

Konungur sagði: „Það mun vera Egill á þínu forráði að fara héðan á brott ef þú þykist eiga skyldarerindi en hinn veg þykir mér best að þú takir hér staðfestu með mér og slíka kosti sem þú vilt beiðast.“

Egill þakkaði konungi orð sín „eg mun nú fara fyrst svo sem mér ber skylda til en það er líkara að eg vitji hingað þessa heita þá er eg kemst við.“

Konungur bað hann svo gera. Síðan bjóst Egill brott með liði sínu en margt dvaldist eftir með konungi. Egill hafði eitt langskip mikið og þar á hundrað manna eða vel svo. Og er hann var búinn ferðar sinnar og byr gaf þá hélt hann til hafs. Skildust þeir Aðalsteinn konungur með mikilli vináttu. Bað hann Egil koma aftur sem skjótast. Egill kvað svo vera skyldu.

Síðan hélt Egill til Noregs og er hann kom við land fór hann sem skyndilegast inn í Fjörðu. Hann spurði þau tíðindi að andaður var Þórir hersir en Arinbjörn hafði tekið við arfi og gerst lendur maður. Egill fór á fund Arinbjarnar og fékk þar góðar viðtökur. Bauð Arinbjörn honum þar að vera. Egill þekktist það. Lét hann setja upp skipið og vista lið. En Arinbjörn tók við Agli við tólfta mann og var með honum um veturinn.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Andersson, Theodore M.. The Icelandic Family Saga

2015-11-15T02:16:04Z

Beth Rogers: /* Annotation */

* '''Author''': Andersson, Theodore M.
* '''Title''': Chapter ??
* '''Published in''': The Icelandic Family Saga. An Analytic Reading
* '''Place, Publisher''': Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press
* '''Year''': 1967
* '''Pages''': 97–110
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Andersson, Theodore M. ''The Icelandic Family Saga. An Analytic Reading'', pp. 97–110. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

Andersson’s tripartite (synopsis-outline-comment) analysis of 24 Icelandic Family Sagas, the formal, theoretical function of which seeks ‘to convey as clearly as possible the content of the sagas’ (p. 96). In relation to ''Egils saga'', Andersson examines the compositional structure of the saga’s narrative, proposing two event-chronologies that separate and bridge its two major conflict narratives (King Haraldr Hárfagri [Fairhair] - Thórólfr, Egill Skallagrímsson - Eirik Bloodaxe); each of which, by and large, adhere structurally to the following six-part schema: introduction, conflict, climax, revenge, reconciliation and aftermath. On the basis of this model, Andersson claims, ‘Egils saga is perfectly clear in its composition. The only innovation … is a departure from the one-climax principle in favor of a dual structure with two climaxes, Thórólfr’s death and Egill’s break with Erik’ (p. 109).

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==
<references group="sk" />
<references />
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Martin McNally
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Andersson, Theodore M.. The Icelandic Family Saga

2015-11-15T02:15:00Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Andersson, Theodore M.
* '''Title''': Chapter ??
* '''Published in''': The Icelandic Family Saga. An Analytic Reading
* '''Place, Publisher''': Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press
* '''Year''': 1967
* '''Pages''': 97–110
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Andersson, Theodore M. ''The Icelandic Family Saga. An Analytic Reading'', pp. 97–110. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

Andersson’s tripartite (synopsis-outline-comment) analysis of 24 Icelandic Family Sagas, the formal, theoretical function of which seeks ‘to convey as clearly as possible the content of the sagas’ (p. 96). In relation to Egils saga, Andersson examines the compositional structure of the saga’s narrative, proposing two event-chronologies that separate and bridge its two major conflict narratives (King Haraldr Hárfagri (Fairhair) - Thórólfr, Egill Skallagrímsson - Eirik Bloodaxe); each of which, by and large, adhere structurally to the following six-part schema: introduction, conflict, climax, revenge, reconciliation and aftermath. On the basis of this model, Andersson claims, ‘Egils saga is perfectly clear in its composition. The only innovation…is a departure from the one-climax principle in favour of a dual structure with two climaxes, Thórólfr’s death and Egill’s break with Erik’ (p. 109).
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==
<references group="sk" />
<references />
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Martin McNally
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Bubnov, N.Y. Old Russian singer Boyan and Icelandic skald

2015-11-15T02:14:12Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Bubnov, N.Y.
* '''Title''': Old Russian singer Boyan and Icelandic skald Egil Skallagrimsson
* '''Published in''': ''Voprosy Filosofii'' 12
* '''Place, Publisher''':
* '''Year''': 2003
* '''Pages''': 126-139
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Bubnov, N.Y. "Old Russian singer Boyan and Icelandic skald Egil Skallagrimsson." ''Voprosy Filosofii'' 12 (2003): 126-39.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

An attempt to claim that the 12th century old Russian poem The Tale of Igor's Campaign (Slovo o polku Igoreve) was partly influenced by Egil’s Skallagrimson’s skaldic verses. Using his own readings of The Tale as a base, author finds there some parallels and references to Egil’s poems such as Head's Ransom (Höfuðlausn), The Loss of a Son (Sonatorrek) and Arinbjarnarkviða; Parallels to eddic poetry are also provided.
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==
<references group="sk" />
<references />
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Daria Glebova
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Bubnov, N.Y. Old Russian singer Boyan and Icelandic skald

2015-11-15T02:13:19Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Bubnov, N.Y.
* '''Title''': Old Russian singer Boyan and Icelandic skald Egil Skallagrimsson
* '''Published in''': ''Voprosy Filosofii'' 12
* '''Place, Publisher''':
* '''Year''': 2003
* '''Pages''': 126-139
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Bubnov, N.Y. "Old Russian singer Boyan and Icelandic skald Egil Skallagrimsson." ''Voprosy Filosofii'' 12 (2003): 126-39.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

An attempt to claim that the 12th century old Russian poem The Tale of Igor's Campaign (Slovo o polku Igoreve) was partly influenced by Egil’s Skallagrimson’s skaldic verses. Using his own readings of The Tale as a base, author finds there some parallels and references to Egil’s poems such as Head's Ransom (Höfuðlausn), The Loss of a Son (Sonatorrek) and Arinbjarnarkviða; parallels to eddic poetry are also provided.
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==
<references group="sk" />
<references />
==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Daria Glebova
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Fidjestøl, Bjarne. Det norrøne fyrstediktet

2015-11-14T23:35:44Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Fidjestøl, Bjarne
* '''Title''': Munnleg variasjon i Egils Höfuðlausn
* '''Published in''': ''Det norrøne fyrstediktet.''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Øvre Ervik: Alvheim & Eide
* '''Year''': 1982
* '''Pages''': 47-52
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Fidjestøl, Bjarne. "Munnleg variasjon i Egils Höfuðlausn." ''Det norrøne fyrstediktet.'' Øvre Ervik: Alvheim & Eide, 1982, pp. 47-52.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

In his dissertation, Fidjestøl delineates the transmission, division and genres of the skaldic poetry, using a structural methodology. His analysis of Egils ''Höfuðlausn'', highlights the complex relationship between the written and the oral sources in skaldic poems. By examining how two different oral variants of ''Höfuðlausn'' affect the written sources, evidently producing two different, yet similar texts, Fidjestøls suggests what in the poem may have been orally transmitted, and what is probably based on existing written material.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

[[Egla,_62|Chapter 62]]: '''Munnleg variasjon i Egils Höfuðlausn'''
“Når det gjeld Höfuðlausn, har diktet etter alt å døme ikkje følgd soga frå opphavet, men er «sett til i teksta av avskrivarar som arbeidde kvar med sine avskrifter» (Nordland loc.cit. jfr. Helgason 1969:164) (p. 47) […] I str. 17 finn vi følgjande variantar:[…] hodd- og hring er her bytte om, og Ɛ har freyr der W har brjótr. Freyr kan kanskje vere ei minning om kenninga sverðfreyr, som fins i ei av særstrofene til W.” (p. 50)

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Silje Elsrud Yttervik
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 62

2015-11-14T23:34:37Z

Beth Rogers: /* Kafli 62 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 62==

'''Egil recites the poem'''

King Eric went to table according to his wont, and much people were with him. And when Arinbjorn knew this, then went he with all his followers fully armed to the king's palace while the king sate at table. Arinbjorn craved entrance into the hall; it was granted. He and Egil went in with half of his followers, but the other half stood without before the door. Arinbjorn saluted the king; the king received him well. Arinbjorn spoke: 'Here now is come Egil. He has not sought to run away in the night. Nor would we fain know, my lord, what his lot is to be. I hope thou wilt let him get good from my words, for I think it a matter of great moment to me that Egil gain terms from thee. I have so acted (as was right) that neither in word nor deed have I spared aught whereby thy honour should be made greater than before. I have also abandoned all my possessions, kinsmen, and friends that I had in Norway, and followed thee when all other barons deserted thee; and herein do I what is meet, for thou hast often done great good to me.'

Then spoke Gunnhilda: 'Cease, Arinbjorn, nor prate so at length of this. Thou hast done much good to king Eric, and this he hath fully rewarded. Thou owest far more duty to king Eric than to Egil. It is not for thee to ask that Egil go unpunished hence from king Eric's presence, seeing what crimes he hath wrought.'

Then said Arinbjorn: 'If thou, O king, and thou Gunnhilda, if ye two have resolved that Egil shall here get no terms, then is this the manly course, to give him respite and leave to go for a week, that he may look out for himself; of his own free will any way he came hither to seek you, and therefore hoped for peace. Thereafter, this done, let your dealings together end as they may.'

Gunnhilda said, 'Well can I see by this, Arinbjorn, that thou art more faithful to Egil than to king Eric. If Egil is to ride hence for a week, then will he in this time be come to king Athelstan. But king Eric cannot now hide this from himself, that every king is now stronger than is he, whereas a little while ago it had been deemed incredible that king Eric would not have the will and energy to avenge his wrongs on such a one as Egil.'

Said Arinbjorn: 'No one will call Eric a greater man for slaying a yeoman's son, a foreigner, who has freely come into his power. But if the king wishes to achieve greatness hereby, then will I help him in this, so that these tidings shall be thought more worthy of record; for I and Egil will now back each other, so that we must both be met at once. Thou wilt then, O king, dearly buy the life of Egil, when we be all laid dead on the field, I and my followers. Far other treatment should I have expected of thee, than that thou wouldst prefer seeing me laid dead on the earth to granting me the boon I crave of one man's life.'

Then answered the king: 'A wondrous eager champion art thou, Arinbjorn, in this thy helping of Egil. Loth were I to do thee scathe, if it comes to this; if thou wilt rather give away thine own life than that he be slain. But sufficient are the charges against Egil, whatever I cause to be done with him.'

And when the king had said this, then Egil advanced before him and began the poem,<ref>'''began the poem''': "We see that Höfuðlausn is no less complex than Egill’s other major poems. What is more, the context of the saga, the interpretation of the poem and its reflection by Egill himself, mark it as the climax in Egill’s self-stylization as a skald and his artistic independence from royal power."
[[Kries, Susanne & Thomas Krömmelbein. Context and Composion]] (p. 377).</ref> and recited in a loud voice,<ref>'''recited in a loud voice''': "die wahre gesinnung Egils gegen seinen todfeind und seine innere erbitterung über die zwangslage, in die er versetzt war, kommen dagegen bei näherem zusehen im gegensatz zu der älteren ehrlich gemeinen drápa [...] in versteckten ironischen anspielungen genugsam zum ausdruck." [[Niedner, Felix. Egils Hauptlösung]] (p. 113).</ref> and at once won silence.

'''HEAD-RANSOM'''<ref>'''Head-ransom''': „Runhendur háttur eða runhenda er eini forni hátturinn sem hefur endarím. Elsta kvæði undir þeim hætti telja menn vera Höfuðlausn (2. dæmi) Egils Skalla-Grímssonar en þá loka fræðimenn augunum fyrir því að Skalla-Grími er eignuð runhend vísa í Egils sögu sem á að vera ort löngu áður en Egill fæddist. Vandamálið er að þótt endarím hafi þekkst í germönskum kveðskap á meginlandinu á 9. öld og í ensku kvæði frá 10. öld þá er því ekki trúað að Skalla-Grímur hafi átt þess kost að kynnast því; hins vegar kunni Egill að hafa lært þetta af Englendingum." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Dróttkvæði]] (p. 317).</ref>

1. 
'Westward I sailed<ref>'''Westward I sailed''': "Jeg hævder saaledes, at der ikke foreligger den mindste tvingende Grund til at antage, at Egil er kommen fra Norge, og ikke lige saa godt fra Island, fordi han siger „Vesterpaa kom jeg over havet.“ For ham og enhver af hans samtidige og for Oldtidens Islændere overhovedet var det et naturligt Udtryk at sige „Vesterpaa“ til Skotland, Irland osv. Og „vestfra“ de samme Lande med Udgangspunkt paa Island”. [[Finnur Jónsson. Egil Skallagrimsson og Erik blodöxe. Höfuðlausn]] (p. 135).</ref> the wave,<ref>'''the wave''': Höfuðlausn is an example of a poem (concerning Eiríkr blóðøx) with “no religious elements except in kennings and figures of speech”. [[Fidjestøl, Bjarne. Skaldic Poetry and the Conversion]] (p. 150).</ref> 
Within me Odin gave<ref>'''me Odin gave''': "Die Spannung der Dichterleistung macht Egils Ich aus in Eingang und Schluss der Hfl [Höfuðlausn]: Das Lied, das Lied! Mein Lied!" [[Vogt, Walther H.. Von Bragi zu Egil]] (p. 202).</ref> 
The sea of song I bear 
(So 'tis my wont to fare):<ref>'''So 'tis my wont to fare''': "Þegar Egill Skalla- Grímsson segir í fjórða vísuorði Höfuðlausnar: „svá er mitt of far“ á hann í orði kveðnu við skipið sem flytur skáldskapinn til konungs en einnig við eigið skapferli." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Á kálfskinni. Hugleiðing um ofljóst í óbundnu máli]] (p. 801).</ref> 
I launched my floating oak 
When loosening ice-floes broke, 
My mind a galleon fraught<ref>'''My mind a galleon fraught''': "Die beiden ersten strophen des gedichtes selbst stehn im gegensatz zur sagaprosa. alle versuche diese gegensätze zu beheben, sind als misglückt [sic] zu bezeichnen." [[Reichardt, Konstantin. Die entstehungsgechichte von Egils Höfuðlausn]] (p. 268).</ref> 
With load of minstrel thought. 

2. 
'A prince doth hold me guest, 
Praise be his due confess'd: 
Of Odin's mead<ref>'''Odin's mead''': "An important semantic field that is introduced to the poem in the first two stanzas is that of liquids: a variety of kinetic liquids, travelled over, like the sea, or vital and vivifying, like Óðinn’s mead" (p. 90).[[Hines, John. Egill’s Höfuðlausn in Time and Place]] (p. 90).</ref> let draught 
In England now be quaff'd. 
Laud bear I to the king, 
Loudly his honour sing; 
Silence I crave around, 
My song of praise is found. 

3. 
'Sire, mark the tale I tell, 
Such heed beseems thee well; 
Better I chaunt my strain, 
If stillness hush'd I gain. 
The monarch's wars in word 
Widely have peoples heard, 
But Odin saw alone 
Bodies before him strown. 

4. 
'Swell'd of swords the sound<ref>'''Swell'd of swords the sound''': "Considering its fresh modernity of the meter, Höfuðlausn must have
been very effective in recital, as indeed it still is. The poem is highly suggestive of the rush of weapons and the clash of battle." [[Stefán Einarsson. The Poetry of Egill Skalla-Grímsson]] (p. 42).</ref> 
Smiting bucklers round, 
Fiercely waxed the fray, 
Forward the king made way. 
Struck the ear (while blood 
Streamed from glaives in flood) 
Iron hailstorm's song, 
Heavy, loud and long. 

5. 
'Lances, a woven fence, 
Well-ordered bristle dense; 
On royal ships in line 
Exulting spearmen shine. 
Soon dark with bloody stain 
Seethed there an angry main, 
With war-fleet's thundering sound, 
With wounds and din around. 

6. 
'Of men many a rank 
Mid showering darts sank: 
Glory and fame 
Gat Eric's name. 

7. 
'More may yet be told, 
An men silence hold: 
Further feats and glory, 
Fame hath noised in story. 
Warriors' wounds were rife, 
Where the chief waged strife; 
Shivered swords with stroke 
On blue shield-rims broke. 

8. 
'Breast-plates ringing crashed, 
Burning helm-fire flashed, 
Biting point of glaive 
Bloody wound did grave. 
Odin's oaks (they say) 
In that iron-play 
Baldric's crystal blade 
Bowed and prostrate laid. 

9. 
'Spears crossing dashed, 
Sword-edges clashed: 
Glory and fame 
Gat Eric's name. 

10. 
'Red blade the king did wield, 
Ravens flocked o'er the field.<ref>'''Ravens flocked o'er the field''': "Þrenns konar merking orðsins gjör í Höfuðlausn virðist því koma til álita: ‘fjöldi, grúi’, ‘æti’ eða ‘ásókn í æti, græðgi’." [[Haraldur Bernharðsson. Göróttur er drykkurinn]] (p. 52).</ref> 
Dripping spears flew madly, 
Darts with aim full deadly. 
Scotland's scourge let feed 
Wolf, the Ogress' steed: 
For erne of downtrod dead 
Dainty meal was spread. 

11. 
'Soared battle-cranes 
O'er corse-strown lanes, 
Found flesh-fowl's bill 
Of blood its fill. 
While deep the wound 
He delves, around 
Grim raven's beak 
Blood-fountains break. 

12. 
'Axe furnished feast 
For Ogress' beast: 
Eric on the wave 
To wolves flesh-banquet gave. 

13. 
'Javelins flying sped, 
Peace affrighted fled; 
Bows were bent amain, 
Wolves were battle-fain: 
Spears in shivers split, 
Sword-teeth keenly bit; 
Archers' strings loud sang, 
Arrows forward sprang. 

14. 
'He back his buckler flings 
From arm beset with rings, 
Sword-play-stirrer good, 
Spiller of foemen's blood. 
Waxing everywhere 
(Witness true I bear), 
East o'er billows came 
Eric's sounding name. 

15. 
'Bent the king his yew, 
Bees wound-bearing flew: 
Eric on the wave 
To wolves flesh-banquet gave. 

16. 
'Yet to make more plain 
I to men were fain 
High-soul'd mood of king, 
But must swiftly sing. 
Weapons when he takes, 
The battle-goddess wakes, 
On ships' shielded side 
Streams the battle-tide. 

17. 
'Gems from wrist he gives, 
Glittering armlets rives: 
Lavish ring-despiser 
Loves not hoarding miser. 
Frodi's flour of gold 
Gladdens rovers bold; 
Prince bestoweth scorning 
Pebbles hand-adorning. 

18. 
'Foemen might not stand 
For his deathful brand; 
Yew-bow loudly sang, 
Sword-blades meeting rang. 
Lances aye were cast, 
Still he the land held fast, 
Proud Eric prince renowned; 
And praise his feats hath crowned. 

19. 
'Monarch, at thy will 
Judge my minstrel skill: 
Silence thus to find 
Sweetly cheered my mind. 
Moved my mouth with word 
From my heart's ground stirred,<ref>'''From my heart's ground stirred''': "How can
one not think here that Egil expects the auditor, especially the king, to temporarily
disorientate oneself, [...] so that the arrogance [in the poem] may be retrieved with
sufficient delay for him to escape to safety?" [[Koch, Ludovica. Il corvo della memoria e il corvo del pensiero]] (p. 44).</ref> 
Draught of Odin's wave 
Due to warrior brave. 

20. 
'Silence I have broken, 
A sovereign's glory spoken: 
Words I knew well-fitting 
Warrior-council sitting. 
Praise from heart I bring, 
Praise to honoured king: 
Plain I sang and clear 
Song that all could hear.'<ref>'''all could hear''': "Lokavísa Höfuðlausnar hefur lengi þótt torskilin og hlotið fyrir óþokka útgefenda." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Glíman við lokavísu Höfuðlausnar]] (p. 89).</ref> 

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 62==

'''Egill flutti kvæðið'''

Eiríkur konungur gekk til borða að vanda sínum og var þá fjölmenni mikið með honum. Og er Arinbjörn varð þess var þá gekk hann með alla sveit sína alvopnaða í konungsgarð þá er konungur sat yfir borðum. Arinbjörn krafði sér inngöngu í höllina. Honum var það og heimult gert. Ganga þeir Egill inn með helming sveitarinnar. Annar helmingur stóð úti fyrir dyrum.

Arinbjörn kvaddi konung en konungur fagnaði honum vel. Arinbjörn mælti: „Nú er hér kominn Egill. Hefir hann ekki leitað til brotthlaups í nótt. Nú viljum vér vita herra hver hans hluti skal vera. Vænti eg góðs af yður. Hefi eg það gert sem vert var að eg hefi engan hlut til þess sparað að gera og mæla svo að yðvar vegur væri þá meiri en áður. Hefi eg og látið allar mínar eigur og frændur og vini er eg átti í Noregi og fylgt yður en allir lendir menn yðrir skildust við yður og er það maklegt því að þú hefir marga hluti til mín stórvel gert.“

Þá mælti Gunnhildur: „Hættu Arinbjörn og tala ekki svo langt um þetta. Margt hefir þú vel gert við Eirík konung og hefir hann það fullu launað. Er þér miklu meiri vandi á við Eirík konung en Egil. Er þér þess ekki biðjanda að Egill fari refsingalaust héðan af fundi Eiríks konungs slíkt sem hann hefir til saka gert.“

Þá segir Arinbjörn: „Ef þú konungur og þið Gunnhildur hafið það einráðið að Egill skal hér enga sætt fá, þá er það drengskapur að gefa honum frest og fararleyfi um viku sakir að hann forði sér, þó hefir hann að sjálfvilja sínum farið hingað á fund yðvarn og vænti sér af því friðar. Fara þá enn skipti yður sem verða má þaðan frá.“

Gunnhildur mælti: „Sjá kann eg á þessu Arinbjörn að þú ert hollari Agli en Eiríki konungi. Ef Egill skal ríða héðan viku í brott í friði þá mun hann kominn til Aðalsteins konungs á þessi stundu. En Eiríkur konungur þarf nú ekki að dyljast í því að honum verða nú allir konungar ofureflismenn en fyrir skömmu mundi það þykja ekki líklegt að Eiríkur konungur mundi eigi hafa til þess vilja og atferð að hefna harma sinna á hverjum manni slíkum sem Egill er.“

Arinbjörn segir: „Engi maður mun Eirík kalla að meira mann þó að hann drepi einn bóndason útlendan, þann er gengið hefir á vald hans. En ef hann vill miklast af þessu þá skal eg það veita honum að þessi tíðindi skulu heldur þykja frásagnarverð því að við Egill munum nú veitast að svo að jafnsnemma skal okkur mæta báðum. Muntu konungur þá dýrt kaupa líf Egils um það er vér erum allir að velli lagðir, eg og sveitungar mínir. Mundi mig annars vara af yður en þú mundir mig vilja leggja heldur að jörðu en láta mig þiggja líf eins manns er eg bið.“

Þá segir konungur: „Allmikið kapp leggur þú á þetta Arinbjörn, að veita Agli lið. Trauður mun eg til vera að gera þér skaða ef því er að skipta ef þú vilt heldur leggja fram líf þitt en hann sé drepinn. En ærnar eru sakir til við Egil hvað sem eg læt gera við hann.“

Og er konungur hafði þetta mælt þá gekk Egill fyrir hann og hóf upp kvæðið<ref>'''hóf upp kvæðið''': "We see that Höfuðlausn is no less complex than Egill’s other major poems. What is more, the context of the saga, the interpretation of the poem and its reflection by Egill himself, mark it as the climax in Egill’s self-stylization as a skald and his artistic independence from royal power."
[[Kries, Susanne & Thomas Krömmelbein. Context and Composion]] (s. 377).</ref> og kvað hátt<ref>'''og kvað hátt''': „die wahre gesinnung Egils gegen seinen todfeind und seine innere erbitterung über die zwangslage, in die er versetzt war, kommen dagegen bei näherem zusehen im gegensatz zu der älteren ehrlich gemeinen drápa [...] in versteckten ironischen anspielungen genugsam zum ausdruck.“ [[Niedner, Felix. Egils Hauptlösung]] (s. 113).</ref> og fékk þegar hljóð.

'''Höfuðlausn'''<ref>'''Höfuðlausn''': „Runhendur háttur eða runhenda er eini forni hátturinn sem hefur endarím. Elsta kvæði undir þeim hætti telja menn vera Höfuðlausn (2. dæmi) Egils Skalla-Grímssonar en þá loka fræðimenn augunum fyrir því að Skalla-Grími er eignuð runhend vísa í Egils sögu sem á að vera ort löngu áður en Egill fæddist. Vandamálið er að þótt endarím hafi þekkst í germönskum kveðskap á meginlandinu á 9. öld og í ensku kvæði frá 10. öld þá er því ekki trúað að Skalla-Grímur hafi átt þess kost að kynnast því; hins vegar kunni Egill að hafa lært þetta af Englendingum." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Dróttkvæði]] (s. 317).</ref>

1. Vestr fór eg<ref>'''Vestr fór eg''': "Jeg hævder saaledes, at der ikke foreligger den mindste tvingende Grund til at antage, at Egil er kommen fra Norge, og ikke lige saa godt fra Island, fordi han siger „Vesterpaa kom jeg over havet.“ For ham og enhver af hans samtidige og for Oldtidens Islændere overhovedet var det et naturligt Udtryk at sige „Vesterpaa“ til Skotland, Irland osv. Og „vestfra“ de samme Lande med Udgangspunkt paa Island”. [[Finnur Jónsson. Egil Skallagrimsson og Erik blodöxe. Höfuðlausn]] (s. 135).</ref> um ver<ref>'''um ver''': "Höfuðlausn is an example of a poem (concerning Eiríkr blóðøx) with “no religious elements except in kennings and figures of speech”. [[Fidjestøl, Bjarne. Skaldic Poetry and the Conversion]] (s. 150).</ref> 
en eg Viðris ber<ref>'''eg Viðris ber''': "Die Spannung der Dichterleistung macht Egils Ich aus in Eingang und Schluss der Hfl [Höfuðlausn]: Das Lied, das Lied! Mein Lied!" [[Vogt, Walther H.. Von Bragi zu Egil]] (s. 202).</ref> 
munstrandar mar, 
svo er mitt of far.<ref>'''svo er mitt of far''': "Þegar Egill Skalla- Grímsson segir í fjórða vísuorði Höfuðlausnar: „svá er mitt of far“ á hann í orði kveðnu við skipið sem flytur skáldskapinn til konungs en einnig við eigið skapferli." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Á kálfskinni. Hugleiðing um ofljóst í óbundnu máli]] (s. 801).</ref> 
Dró eg eik á flot 
við ísa brot. 
Hlóð eg mæta hlut<ref>'''Hlóð eg mæta hlut''': "Die beiden ersten strophen des gedichtes selbst stehn im gegensatz zur sagaprosa. alle versuche diese gegensätze zu beheben, sind als misglückt [sic] zu bezeichnen." [[Reichardt, Konstantin. Die entstehungsgechichte von Egils Höfuðlausn]] (s. 268).</ref> 
míns knarrar skut.

2. Buðumst hilmir löð, 
nú á eg hróðurs kvöð. 
Ber eg Óðins mjöð<ref>'''Óðins mjöð''': "An important semantic field that is introduced to the poem in the first two stanzas is that of liquids: a variety of kinetic liquids, travelled over, like the sea, or vital and vivifying, like Óðinn’s mead" (p. 90).[[Hines, John. Egill’s Höfuðlausn in Time and Place]] (s. 90).</ref> 
of Engla bjöð. 
Lofa eg ísarns vann 
jöfur, mæri eg þann. 
Hljóðs æsk’t eg hann 
því að hróðr of fann.

3. Víst hyggjum að, 
vel sómir það, 
hve eg þylja fæti 
ef eg þögn of gæti. 
Flestur maður of frá, 
hvað fylkir vá, 
en vísir sá 
hvar valur of lá.

4. Óx hjörva glöm<ref>'''Óx hjörva glöm''': „Considering its fresh modernity of the meter, Höfuðlausn must have
been very effective in recital, as indeed it still is. The poem is highly suggestive of the rush of weapons and the clash of battle." [[Stefán Einarsson. The Poetry of Egill Skalla-Grímsson]] (s. 42).</ref> 
við hlífar þröm. 
Gunnr óx of gram. 
Gramr sótti fram. 
Þér heyrðuð þá, 
þaut mækis á, 
málmhríðar spá 
Sú var mest of lá.

5. Varat villur staðar 
vefur darraðar 
of grams glaðar 
geirvangs raðar. 
þá er í blóði 
en brimils móði 
völlur of þrumdi 
und véum glumdi.

6. Hné folk á fit 
við fleina hnit. 
Orðstír of gat 
Eiríkr of þat.

7. Fremur mun eg segja 
ef firar þegja. 
Frágum fleira 
til farar þeirra. 
Brustu brandar 
við blár randir 
Óxu undir 
við jöfurs fundi.

8. Hlam heinsöðull 
við hjaldurröðul. 
Beit bengrefill, 
þat var blóðrefill. 
Frá eg að felli 
fyrir fetilssvelli 
Óðins eiki 
í járnleiki.

9. Þar var odda at 
ok eggja gnat. 
Orðstír of gat 
Eiríkr of þat.

10. Rauð hilmir hjör. 
Þar var hrafna gjör.<ref>'''Þar var hrafna gjör''': "Þrenns konar merking orðsins gjör í Höfuðlausn virðist því koma til álita: ‘fjöldi, grúi’, ‘æti’ eða ‘ásókn í æti, græðgi’." [[Haraldur Bernharðsson. Göróttur er drykkurinn]] (s. 52).</ref> 
Fleinn sótti fjör. 
Flugu dreyrug spjör. 
Ól flagðs gota 
fárbjóðr Skota. 
Trað nift Nara 
náttverð ara.

11. Flugu hjaldurtrana 
á hrælanar. 
Vorut blóðs vanar 
benmárs granar. 
Sleit und freki 
en oddbreki 
gnúði hrafni 
á höfuðstafni.

12. Kom gríðar læ 
að Gjálpar skæ. 
Bauð úlfum hræ 
Eiríkr of sæ.

13. Beit fleinn floginn. 
Þá var friður loginn. 
Varð úlfur feginn 
en álmr dreginn. 
Brustu broddar, 
en bitu oddar. 
Báru hörvar 
af bogum örvar.

14. Bregður bjóðfleti 
með baugseti 
hjörleiks hvati, 
hann er þjóð skati. 
Þróast hjaldur sem hvar 
of hilmi þar. 
Frétt er austr of mar, 
Eiríks of far.

15. Jöfur sveigði ý. 
Flugu unda bý. 
Bauð úlfum hræ 
Eiríkr of sæ.

16. Brýtur bógvita 
bjóður hrafnslita. 
Muna hringdofa 
hodd-Freyr <ref>'''Munnleg variasjon i Egils Höfuðlausn''': "Når det gjeld Höfuðlausn, har diktet etter alt å døme ikkje følgd soga frå opphavet, men er «sett til i teksta av avskrivarar som arbeidde kvar med sine avskrifter» (Nordland loc.cit. jfr. Helgason 1969:164) (p. 47) […] I str. 17 finn vi følgjande variantar:[…] hodd- og hring er her bytte om, og Ɛ har freyr der W har brjótr. Freyr kan kanskje vere ei minning om kenninga sverðfreyr, som fins i ei av særstrofene til W." [[Fidjestøl, Bjarne. Det norrøne fyrstediktet]] (s. 50).</ref>lofa. 
Glaðar flotna fjöl 
við Fróða mjöl. 
Mjög er hilmi föl 
haukstrandar möl.

17. Stóðst fólkhagi 
við fjörlagi. 
Gall ýbogi 
að eggtogi. 
Verpur árbrandi 
en jöfur landi 
heldur hornklofi. 
Hann er næstur lofi.

18. Jöfur hyggi at 
hve eg yrkja fat 
gott þykkjumst þat 
er eg þögn of gat. 
Hrærði eg munni 
af mærðar grunni 
Óðins ægi 
at jötuns fægi.

19. Bar eg þengils lof 
of þagnar rof. 
Kann eg mála mjöt 
of manna sjöt. 
Óð færi eg fram 
of ítran gram 
úr hlátra ham<ref>'''úr hlátra ham''': "How can
one not think here that Egil expects the auditor, especially the king, to temporarily
disorientate oneself, [...] so that the arrogance [in the poem] may be retrieved with
sufficient delay for him to escape to safety?" [[Koch, Ludovica. Il corvo della memoria e il corvo del pensiero]] (s. 44).</ref> 
svo hann of nam.

20. 
Njótið bauga<ref>'''njótið bauga''': "Lokavísa Höfuðlausnar hefur lengi þótt torskilin og hlotið fyrir óþokka útgefenda." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Glíman við lokavísu Höfuðlausnar]] (s. 89).</ref> 
sem Bragi auga 
vagna vára 
og Vilji tára.

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Fidjestøl, Bjarne. Det norrøne fyrstediktet

2015-11-14T23:25:47Z

Beth Rogers: /* References */

* '''Author''': Fidjestøl, Bjarne
* '''Title''': Munnleg variasjon i Egils Höfuðlausn
* '''Published in''': ''Det norrøne fyrstediktet.''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Øvre Ervik: Alvheim & Eide
* '''Year''': 1982
* '''Pages''': 47-52
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Fidjestøl, Bjarne. "Munnleg variasjon i Egils Höfuðlausn." ''Det norrøne fyrstediktet.'' Øvre Ervik: Alvheim & Eide, 1982, pp. 47-52.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

In his dissertation, Fidjestøl delineates the transmission, division and genres of the skaldic poetry, using a structural methodology. His analysis of Egils ''Höfuðlausn'', highlights the complex relationship between the written and the oral sources in skaldic poems. By examining how two different oral variants of ''Höfuðlausn'' affect the written sources, evidently producing two different, yet similar texts, Fidjestøls suggests what in the poem may have been orally transmitted, and what is probably based on existing written material.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

[[Egla,_62|Chapter 62]]: '''Munnleg variasjon i Egils Höfuðlausn'''
“Når det gjeld Höfuðlausn, har diktet etter alt å døme ikkje følgd soga frå opphavet, men er «sett til i teksta av avskrivarar som arbeidde kvar med sine avskrifter» (Nordland loc.cit. jfr. Helgason 1969:164) (p. 47) […] I str. 17 finn vi følgjande variantar:[…] hodd- og hring er her bytte om, og Ɛ har freyr der W har brjótr. Freyr kan kanskje vere ei minning om kenninga sverðfreyr, som fins i ei av særstrofene til W.” (p. 50)

==Links==

* ''Written by:''
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

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Fidjestøl, Bjarne. Det norrøne fyrstediktet

2015-11-14T23:19:59Z

Beth Rogers: /* Annotation */

Egla, 80

2015-11-14T23:12:50Z

Beth Rogers: /* Kafli 80 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 80==

'''Death of Bodvar: Egil's poem thereon'''

Bodvar Egil's son was just now growing up; he was a youth of great promise, handsome, tall and strong as had been Egil or Thorolf at his age. Egil loved him dearly, and Bodvar was very fond of his father. One summer it happened that there was a ship in White-river, and a great fair was held there. Egil had there bought much wood, which he was having conveyed home by water: for this his house-carles went, taking with them an eight-oared boat belonging to Egil. It chanced one time that Bodvar begged to go with them, and they allowed him so to do. So he went into the field with the house-carles. They were six in all on the eight-oared boat. And when they had to go out again, high-water was late in the day, and, as they must needs wait for the turn of tide, they did not start till late in the evening. Then came on a violent south-west gale, against which ran the stream of the ebb. This made a rough sea in the firth, as can often happen. The end was that the boat sank under them, and all were lost. The next day the bodies were cast up: Bodvar's body came on shore at Einars-ness, but some came in on the south shore of the firth, whither also the boat was driven, being found far in near Reykjarhamar.

Egil heard these tidings that same day, and at once rode to seek the bodies: he found Bodvar's, took it up and set it on his knees, and rode with it out to Digra-ness, to Skallagrim's mound.<ref>'''to Skallagrim's mound''': "Egill est responsable de la mort de son frère ainé. En plus, il refuse de donner à son père la compensation qui lui est destinée. Celui-ci décide de revenir après la mort pour se venger sur son fils cadet. Celui-ci fait pourtant de son mieux pour l’empêcher de revenir, mais il n’y arrive pas. Le fait qu’il place le cadavre de son fils noyé dans le tertre de son père indique qu’il pense que ce dernier a causé sa mort." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Thykir mér gódh sonareign í thér]] (p. ??).</ref> Then he had the mound opened, and laid Bodvar down there by Skallagrim. After which the mound was closed again; this task was not finished till about nightfall. Egil then rode home to Borg, and, when he came home, he went at once to the locked bed-closet in which he was wont to sleep. He lay down, and shut himself in, none daring to crave speech of him.

It is said that when they laid Bodvar in earth Egil was thus dressed: his hose were tight-fitting to his legs, he wore a red kirtle of fustian, closely-fitting, and laced at the sides: but they say that his muscles so swelled with his exertion that the kirtle was rent off him, as were also the hose.<ref>'''swelled with grief''': "Í útgáfu Finns Jónssonar af sögunni frá 1924 og í útgáfu Sigurðar Nordals frá 1933 er þegar hér er komið sögunni minnt á lýsingu Völsunga sögu á harmi Sigurðar Fáfnisbana eftir viðræðu þeirra Brynhildar, þar sem þau höfðu játað hvort öðru ást sína um leið og þau viðurkenndiu að ekki gæti annað af henni leitt en hörmung og dauða." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Um fáein harmræn atriði í Völsunga sögu og Egils sögu]] (p. 10).</ref>

Í útgáfu Finns Jónssonar af sögunni frá 1924 og í útgáfu Sigurðar Nordals frá 1933 er þegar hér er komið sögunni minnt á lýsingu Völsunga sögu á harmi Sigurðar Fáfnisbana eftir viðræðu þeirra Brynhildar, þar sem þau höfðu játað hvort öðru ást sína um leið og þau viðurkenndiu að ekki gæti annað af henni leitt en hörmung og dauða.

On the next day Egil still did not open the bed-closet: he had no meat or drink: there he lay for that day and the following night, no man daring to speak with him. But on the third morning, as soon as it was light, Asgerdr had a man set on horseback, who rode as hard as he could westwards to Hjardarholt, and told Thorgerdr all these tidings; it was about nones when he got there. He said also that Asgerdr had sent her word to come without delay southwards to Borg. Thorgerdr at once bade them saddle her a horse, and two men attended her. They rode that evening and through the night till they came to Borg. Thorgerdr went at once into the hall. Asgerdr greeted her, and asked whether they had eaten supper. Thorgerdr said aloud, 'No supper have I had, and none will I have till I sup with Freyja. I can do no better than does my father: I will not overlive my father and brother.' She then went to the bed-closet and called, 'Father, open the door! I will that we both travel the same road.' Egil undid the lock. Thorgerdr stepped up into the bed-closet, and locked the door again, and lay down on another bed that was there.

Then said Egil, 'You do well, daughter, in that you will follow your father. Great love have you shown to me. What hope is there that I shall wish to live with this grief?'<ref>'''live with this grief''': "Völu-Steinn og Egill heyja helstríð af harmi eftir syni sína […] Um áhrif Landnámu á Egils sögu […] mætti spyrja hvort það sé ekki einmitt frásögnin af Völu-Steini sem haft hefur áhrif á sköpun frásagnarinnar um harm Egils. Sonatorrek hefur þá orðið til í hrifnæmum huga þess sem þekkti til Ögmundardrápu" [[Baldur Hafstað. HSk, Landnáma og Egils saga]] (p. 32).</ref> After this they were silent awhile. Then Egil spoke: 'What is it now, daughter? You are chewing something, are you not?' 'I am chewing samphire,',“<ref>''''I am chewing samphire''': "Hér er... líklegast fyrsta tilvitnun um sölvaát í fornsögum okkar, og má ætla að sú matarvenja hafi fluttst hingað með landnámsmönnum... [Söl voru] snar þáttur í fæðuöflun landsmanna, en þó var bundið landshlutum, hélst svo gegnum aldir, en fór minnkandi og lagðist alveg af í byrjun þessarar aldar." [[Sigurður Samúelsson. Sjúkdómar og dánarmein íslenskra fornmanna]] (p. 263).</ref> said she, 'because I think it will do me harm. Otherwise I think I may live too long.' 'Is samphire bad for man?' said Egil. 'Very bad,' said she; 'will you eat some?'<ref>'''will you eat some''': "C´est ainsi qu´elle mâche des algues pour avoir une raison de faire apporter de l´eau. [...] Mais ce n'est pas uniquement de la mort physique qu´elle le sauve. Si on considère qu'Egill est chrétien, [...], elle est aussi en train de le sauver d'un péché qui menace son salut éternel: le désespoir." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Le statut théologique d‘Egill Skalla-Grímsson]] (p. 285).</ref> 'Why should I not?' said he. A little while after she called and bade them give her drink. Water was brought to her. Then said Egil, 'This comes of eating samphire, one ever thirsts the more.' 'Would you like a drink,<ref>'''Would you like a drink''': "Ef Egils saga hefur verið sögð í gildi, þar sem þekkt var táknmál kristinna launhelga, skilst flest í dæminu. Mjólk er þá tákn um endurfæðingu Egils. Hann er að segja skiljið við óargadýrið, hann er að bjóða velkomið manneðlið, læknislistina og skáldskaparíþróttina". [[Einar Pálsson. Bræður himins og Egils saga]] (p. 6).</ref> father?' said she. He took and swallowed the liquid in a deep draught: it was in a horn. Then said Thorgerdr: 'Now are we deceived; this is milk.'<ref>'''this is milk''': "Hafi Egill átt möguleika á eilífu lífi, þar sem hann var tekinn inn í samfélag kristinna manna með prímsigningunni, þá skipti máli að hann svelti sig ekki til bana, eins og hann ætlaði að gera eftir að eftirlætissonur hans Böðvar drukknaði í Borgarfirði. Þegar Þorgerður narraði Egil til að bergja af mjólkinni og stakk svo upp á því að hann semdi erfikvæði um son sinn, með þeirri afleiðingu að hann hætti við að deyja, var hún ekki aðeins að bjarga lífi hans heldur líka sál." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Hjálpræði frá Egilsdætrum]] (p. 69).</ref> Whereat Egil bit a sherd out of the horn, all that his teeth gripped, and cast the horn down.

Then spoke Thorgerdr: 'What counsel shall we take now? This our purpose is defeated.<ref>'''our purpose is defeated''': „Elle déclare mâcher des algues pour hâter son trépas. [...] Sa fille le calme en lui suggérant de composer une élégie á la mémoire de son fils. [...] Cet épisode unit le tragique et le comique, tout en témoignant d´une sagesse sur les sentiments les intimes du coeur humain.“ [[Torfi H. Tulinius. La saga d’Egill et l’histoire du roman]] (p. 150).</ref> Now I would fain, father, that we should lengthen our lives, so that you may compose a funeral poem<ref>'''compose a funeral poem''': "Geðrænar truflanir eiga sér þar ávallt rökræn tildrög, og lýsingar á ytra atferli þeirra samræmast nánar þeim klinisku myndum sem þekktar eru í geðlæknisfræðinni nú á
dögum og gefa jafnframt vísbendingu um innra eðli þeirra [...]. Það er eftirtektarvert að [Þorgerður] viðhefur sams konar tilburði gagnvart Agli og nú á tímum þykja vænlegastir til árangurs í geðlækningum og eru í reyndinni forsenda þess að terapeutisk breyting eigi sér stað, þ.e. að sjúklingurinn losni við einkenni sín og verði aftur samur og jafn fyrir tilverknað meðferðarinnar." [[Jakob Jónasson. Aftur í aldir]] (pp. 27-28).</ref> on Bodvar, and I will grave it on a wooden roller; after that we can die, if we like. Hardly, I think, can Thorstein your son compose a poem on Bodvar; but it were unseemly that he should not have funeral rites. Though I do not think that we two shall sit at the drinking when the funeral feast is held.' Egil said that it was not to be expected that he could now compose, though he were to attempt it. 'However, I will try this,'<ref>'''I will try this''': "the Sonatorrek [...] gives a clearer insight into the mind of Egill than any other of his poems, showing him as an affectionate, sensitive, lonely ageing man, and not the ruffianly bully which he sometimes appears to be in the Saga." [[Turville-Petre, Gabriel. The Sonatorrek]] (p. 36).</ref> said he.

Egil had had another son named Gunnar, who had died a short time before.

So then Egil began the poem,<ref>'''Egill began the poem''': "While reading Egill’s poem on the loss of his sons, we are filled with admiration and wonder. Its light shines like the Northern Lights, the Aurora Borealis. It springs from a hidden source, its deep-glowing colours fanning out over the expanse of heaven, but displaying the grandeur of its radiance only in the twilight of the day." [[Bouman, Ari C. Egill Skallagrímsson‘s Poem Sonatorrek]] (p. 40).</ref> and this is the beginning.

SONA-TORREK (SONS' LOSS).

1. 
'Much doth it task me<ref>'''much doth it task me''': "Þyki ástæða til að vefengja að Egill hafi kveðið Sonatorrek, þá væri enginn maður líklegri til að hafa "sett sig í spor Egils" en Snorri Sturluson, svo framarlega sem hann hefir verið höfundur Egils sögu" [[Bjarni Einarsson. Skáldið í Reykjaholti]] (p. 39).</ref> 
My tongue to move,<ref>'''My tongue to move''': "Sonattorek itself opens with a complaint about the difficulty of it’s erection [...] and although there is no question of an overt sexual or marital meaning here, the wider system of tongue/sword/penis correspondences invites us to just such associations, which serve in turn to confirm our sense that this poem stems from a very point very far down gender scale – a point at which sword and penis have given away to the tongue, and even the tongue may not be up to the task" [[Clover, Carol J.. Regardless of sex]] (p. 16).</ref> 
Through my throat to utter 
The breath of song. 
Poesy, prize of Odin, 
Promise now I may not, 
A draught drawn not lightly 
From deep thought's dwelling.<ref>'''thought's dwelling''': "Thus there is made an analogy between drawing the "theft of Óðinn" from the breast and the mythic stealing of the mead. The use of fylgsni "hiding place" as the source of "Viðurs þýfi" suggests the myth in itself, but because fylgsni belongs to a larger unit "hugar fylgsni" this remains a subordinate, though intensifying, association". [[Stevens, John. The Mead of Poetry: Myth and Metaphor]] (p. ??).</ref>

2. 
'Forth it flows but hardly;<ref>'''flows but hardly''': "Það er eftirtektarvert, að Egill endurtekur í tveim fyrstu vísunum sömu hugsunina fimm sinnum með breyttum orðum. Slík þráhugsun er eitt af aðaleinkennum þungrar sorgar." [[Guðmundur Finnbogason. Um nokkrar vísur Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (p. 162).</ref> 
For within my breast 
Heaving sobbing stifles 
Hindered stream of song 
Blessed boon to mortals 
Brought from Odin's kin, 
Goodly treasure, stolen 
From Giant-land of yore.

3. 
'He, who so blameless 
Bore him in life, 
O'erborne by billows 
With boat was whelmed. 
Sea-wavesflood that whilom 
Welled from giant's wound 
Smite upon the grave-gate 
Of my sire and son.

4. 
'Dwindling now my kindred<ref>'''my kindred''': "ruft der alte Egil in v 4 aus: 'Mein geschlecht steht am ende wie die sturmgefällten baumäste', so liegt darin das zornige bekenntnis, dass Thorstein als trost und ersatz für die toten brüder völlig versagte und somit als sohn überhaupt nicht mehr für den vater in betracht kam." [[Niedner, Felix. Egils Sonatorrek]] (p. 221).</ref> 
Draw near to their end,<ref>'''near to their end''': "Sonatorrek er fyrsta íslenzka kvæðið og Egill fyrsti Íslendingurinn að því leyti, að hjá honum kemur fyrst skýrt fram sú sundurgreining sálarlífsins, sem skapaðist við flutning Íslendinga vestur um haf og varð skilyrði andlegra afreka þeirra, sem þeir unnu fram yfir Norðmenn." [[Sigurður Nordal. Átrúnaður Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (p. 164).</ref> 
Ev'n as forest-saplings.<ref>'''Ev'n as forest-saplings''': "Mjer hefur komið til hugar, að hjer ætti að lesa hilmir." [[Björn M. Ólsen. Um vísu í Sonatorreki]] (p. 134).</ref> 
Felled or tempest-strown. 
Not gay or gladsome 
Goes he who beareth 
Body of kinsman 
On funeral bier.

5. 
'Of father fallen 
First I may tell; 
Of much-loved mother 
Must mourn the loss. 
Sad store hath memory 
For minstrel skill, 
A wood to bloom leafy 
With words of song.

6. 
'Most woful the breach, 
Where the wave in-brake 
On the fenced hold 
Of my father's kin. 
Unfilled, as I wot, 
And open doth stand 
The gap of son rent 
By the greedy surge. 

7. 
'Me Ran, the sea-queen, 
Roughly hath shaken: 
I stand of beloved ones 
Stript and all bare. 
Cut hath the billow 
The cord of my kin, 
Strand of mine own<ref>'''strand of my own''': "Egill’s sense that an outrageous wrong has been committed against him personally, emphasised by ‘minnar ættar’ and ‘sjọlfum mér’, brings the desire for a counter attack: the same concern with justice and repayment which took such a positive form in Arinbjarnakviða here demands revenge" [[Larrington, Carolyne. Egill‘s longer Poems: Arinbjarnarkviða and Sonatorrek]] (p. 58).</ref>< twisting 
So stout and strong. 

8. 
'Sure, if sword could venge 
Such cruel wrong, 
Evil times would wait 
gir, ocean-god. 
That wind-giant's brother 
Were I strong to slay, 
'Gainst him and his sea-brood 
Battling would I go. 

9. 
'But I in no wise 
Boast, as I ween, 
Strength that may strive 
With the stout ships' Bane. 
For to eyes of all 
Easy now 'tis seen 
How the old man's lot 
Helpless is and lone.

10. 
'Me hath the main 
Of much bereaved; 
Dire is the tale, 
The deaths of kin: 
Since he the shelter 
And shield of my house 
Hied him from life 
To heaven's glad realm.

11. 
'Full surely I know, 
In my son was waxing 
The stuff and the strength 
Of a stout-limbed wight: 
Had he reached but ripeness 
To raise his shield, 
And Odin laid hand 
On his liegeman true.

12. 
'Willing he followed 
His father's word, 
Though all opposing 
Should thwart my rede: 
He in mine household 
Mine honour upheld, 
Of my power and rule 
The prop and the stay.

13. 
'Oft to my mind 
My loss doth come, 
How I brotherless bide 
Bereaved and lone. 
Thereon I bethink me, 
When thickens the fight 
Thereon with much searching 
My soul doth muse:

14. 
'Who staunch stands by me 
In stress of fight, 
Shoulder to shoulder, 
Side by side? 
Such want doth weaken 
In war's dread hour; 
Weak-winged I fly, 
Whom friends all fail.

15. 
'Son's place to his sire 
(Saith a proverb true) 
Another son born 
Alone can fill. 
Of kinsmen none 
(Though ne'er so kind) 
To brother can stand 
In brother's stead.

16. 
'O'er all our ice-fields, 
Our northern snows,<ref>'''Our northern snows''': "''elgjar'' getur með engu móti hjer táknað dýrið ''elgr'', heldur sama sem ''krap'', hálfbræddur snjór. ... ''Gálgi'' er trje, sem eitthvað er hengt á, þótt það sje haft í fornmálinu um það trje eitt, sem menn eru hengdir í. ''elgjar gálgi'' er þá sá ''gálgi'', sem snjór hangir á, og það verður Ísland". [[Halldór Kr. Friðriksson. Egils saga]] (p. 373).</ref> 
Few now I find 
Faithful and true. 
Dark deeds men love, 
Doom death to their kin, 
A brother's body 
Barter for gold.

17. 
'Unpleasing to me 
Our people's mood, 
Each seeking his own 
In selfish peace. 
To the happier bees' home 
Hath passed my son, 
My good wife's child 
To his glorious kin.

18. 
'Odin, mighty monarch, 
Of minstrel mead the lord, 
On me a heavy hand 
Harmful doth lay. 
Gloomy in unrest 
Ever I grieve, 
Sinks my drooping brow, 
Seat of sight and thought.

19. 
'Fierce fire of sickness 
First from my home 
Swept off a son 
With savage blow: 
One who was heedful, 
Harmless, I wot, 
In deeds unblemished, 
In words unblamed.

20. 
'Still do I mind me, 
When the Friend of men 
High uplifted 
To the home of gods 
That sapling stout 
Of his father's stem, 
Of my true wife born 
A branch so fair.

21. 
'Once bare I goodwill<ref>'''once bare I goodwill''': "Egill's profound poem also comprises ... a kind of ''minority report'', a set of mythological allusions with an undermining and unsettling effect. These references to a group of Odinic stories outside the Baldr complex but somehow related to it seem to undercut or even deconstruct the official mythology by concerning themselves with problems that are papered or denied in the central Baldr myths ... The major stories from this group will be immediately recalled by the names of their long-lived protagonists, all sacrificers or would-be-sacrifices of sons or near-kinsmen: King Aun, King Haraldr hilditǫnn, and Strakaðr the Old. I will argue that Egill takes on the persona of each in the course of his poem." [[Harris, Joseph. Sacrifice and Guilt in Sonatorrek]] (p. 174-75).</ref> 
To the great spear-lord, 
Him trusty and true 
I trowed for friend: 
Ere the giver of conquest, 
The car-borne god, 
Broke faith and friendship 
False in my need.

22. 
'Now victim and worship 
To Vilir's brother, 
The god once honoured, 
I give no more. 
Yet the friend of Mimir 
On me hath bestowed 
Some boot for bale, 
If all boons I tell.

23. 
'Yea he, the wolf-tamer, 
The war-god skilful, 
Gave poesy<ref>'''Gave poesy''': „Í næstefsta erindi Sonatorreks drepur Egill á tvær gjafir, sem hann hafði þegið að Óðni: „vammi firrða ''íþrótt''“ (skáldskapar) og „það geð er eg gerði mér vísa fjendur að vélöndum“. Þessi orð skáldsins gefa tilefni til ýmissa hugleiðinga um þær guðlegu gjafir, sem getið er annars staðar í fornum bókmenntum vorum“. [[Hermann Pálsson. Tveir þættir um Egils sögu]] (p. 80).</ref> faultless<ref>'''poesy faultless''': "niðurstaða þess [kvæðisins] er sú að í stóru böli, þegar ekki fæst hjálp leingur af máttarvöldum, þá sé athvarf í skáldskap." [[Halldór Laxness. Egill Skallagrímsson og sjónvarpið]] (p. 118).</ref> 
To fill my soul: 
Gave wit to know well 
Each wily trickster, 
And force him to face me 
As foeman in fight.

24. 
'Hard am I beset;<ref>'''Hard am I beset''': "Of this poem and others like it in the skaldic corpus it may be said that there are in fact two “topics,” an ostensible one, and the poet’s own perception of the ostensible one, and that the latter may on occasion so overshadow the former that it tends to become the poem’s main subject." [[Clover, Carol. Scaldic Sensibility]] (p. 65).</ref> 
Whom Hela, the sister 
Of Odin's fell captive, 
On Digra-ness waits. 
Yet shall I gladly 
With right good welcome<ref>'''good welcome''': "„Góður vilji“ er mjög upprunalegt hugtak í kristindómi, í senn guðfræðilegt og siðfræðilegt. [...] Skilyrði fyrir hjálpræði er að mennirnir séu með góðan vilja: blessun guðs er yfir manni sem hefur góðan vilja.; fyrir bragðið bíður hann „glaður og óhryggur“ hvers sem að höndum ber." [[Halldór Laxness. Nokkrir hnýsilegir staðir í fornkvæðum]] (p. 22).</ref> 
Dauntless in bearing 
Her death-blow bide.'.<ref>'''death-blow bide''': "Í ... niðurlagserindi Sonatorreks, vega salt, ef svo má segja, útsynningurinn og hinn heiðni boðskapur um kjark og lífsgleði – líkt og böl og bölva bætur í vísunum næst á undan. Þannig tekst skáldinu – í lok kvæðisins – „at létta upp pundaraskaptinu“." [[Ólafur M. Ólafsson. Sonatorrek]] (p. 187).</ref> 

Egil began to cheer up<ref>'''began to cheer up''': „Grief, [Egill] said, made it hard for him to write. Grief did not cause him to write, but he wrote despite grief. The two are opposed. By making his poem Egill conquered his grief: the gift of poesy was “high amends” for his loss, a “fault-free unfailing skill” through which he rendered himself able to meet his fate. The crystallization of emotional experience in an intellectual form enables the poet to transcend that experience.“ [[Bolton, W.F. The Old Icelandic Dróttkvætt]] (p. 284-85).</ref> as the composing of the poem<ref>'''composing of the poem''': "[T]he composer of Egils saga adopts a stronger interest in the poet’s production of verse in a personalised context than in his composition of court poetry for foreign rulers”.[[Clunies Ross, Margaret. The Skald Sagas as a Genre]] (p. 37).</ref> went on; and when the poem was complete,<ref>'''when the poem was complete''': "In the saga, as well as in Ibsen’s drama [''Hærmændene på Helgeland''], the inclusion of the poem is not purely ornamental: it is thanks to it indeed that the character-author re-engages in action and is able to contribute to the narration again." [[Ferrari, Fulvio. Attraverso gli specchi della riscrittura]] (p. 431).</ref> he brought it before Asgerdr and Thorgerdr and his family. He rose from his bed, and took his place in the high-seat. This poem he called 'Loss of Sons.' And now Egil had the funeral feast of his son held after ancient custom. But when Thorgerdr went home, Egil enriched her with good gifts.

Long time did Egil dwell at Borg, and became an old man. But it is not told that he had lawsuits with any here in the land; nor is there a word of single combats, or war and slaughter of his after he settled down here in Iceland. They say that Egil never went abroad out of Iceland after the events already related. And for this the main cause was that Egil might not be in Norway, by reason of the charges which (as has been told before) the kings there deemed they had against him. He kept house in munificent style, for there was no lack of money, and his disposition led him to munificence.
King Hacon, Athelstan's foster-son, long ruled over Norway; but in the latter part of his life Eric's sons came to Norway and strove with him for the kingdom; and they had battles together, wherein Hacon ever won the victory. The last battle was fought in Hordaland, on Stord-island, at Fitjar: there king Hacon won the victory, but also got his death-wound. After that Eric's sons took the kingdom in Norway.
Lord Arinbjorn was with Harold Eric's son, and was made his counsellor, and had of him great honours. He was commander of his forces and defender of the land. A great warrior was Arinbjorn, and a victorious. He was governor of the Firth folk. Egil Skallagrimsson heard these tidings of the change of kings in Norway, and therewith how Arinbjorn had returned to his estates in Norway, and was there in great honour. Then Egil composed a poem<ref>'''Egil composed a poem''': "Strophen [...], deren Echtheit mir ziemlich sicher erscheint[:] An erster Stelle die Strophen, die den Freund Arinbjǫrn preisen, namentlich Str. 27, die dieselbe Umschreibung des Namens erhält, wie die Arinbjarnarkviða [...]." [[Vries, Jan de. Altnordische Literaturgeschichte]] (p. 139).</ref> about Arinbjorn,<ref>'''poem about Arinbjorn''': "[V]ísurnar um Arinbjörn mynda hápunkt verksins. Það sem eftir lifir sögunnar er ekkert annað en nauðsynleg sögulok." [[Baldur Hafstað. Konungsmenn í kreppu og vinátta í Egils sögu]] (p. 97)</ref> whereof this is the beginning:<ref>'''this is the beginning''': "Arinbjarnarkviða stendur aðeins í Möðruvallabók. Það vekur grun um að sagan sé tilefni þessa kveðskapar, en kveðskapurinn ekki tilefni sögunnar eins og gjarnan er talið." [[Sveinbjörn Rafnsson. Sagnastef í íslenskri menningarsögu]] (p. 93).</ref>

ARINBJORN'S EPIC, OR A PART THEREOF.

1. 
'For generous prince 
Swift praise I find,<ref>'''Swift praise I find''': "Egil boasts
about […] being able to compose swiftly. Ease and swiftness, not least the originality of the artistic creation, are tokens of the high-rank poet. Egil’s stanza is never
[…] circumscribed or tendentially circular [… but] elastic and movable. The discourse
develops in a cascade from the thread of semantic- and sound-associations, while being
hastened by the enjambements and barely restrained by reservations and doubts. Egil’s
poems move in time, they let air filter in between [the verses] and display their previous
and later stage, their solutions and their premises." [[Koch, Ludovica. Gli scaldi]] (pp. 111-12).</ref> 
But stint my words 
To stingy churl. 
Openly sing I 
Of king's true deeds, 
But silence keep 
On slander's lies.

2. 
'For fabling braggarts 
Full am I of scorn, 
But willing speak I 
Of worthy friends: 
Courts I of monarchs<ref>'''courts I of monarchs''': "The general themes of the poem are addressed already in the first two verses: the nature of nobility, later exemplified by Arinbjọrn, consisting in generosity, ‘mildinga’ (generous lords) 2.6, and courage, ‘jọfurs dáðum’ (a lord’s great deeds) 1.6, and their opposites: ‘gløggvinga’ (misers) 1.4, and skrọkberọndum’ (lying boasters) 2.2." [[Larrington, Carolyne. Egill‘s longer Poems: Arinbjarnarkviða and Sonatorrek]] (p. 51).</ref> 
A many have sought, 
A gallant minstrel 
Of guileless mood.

3. 
'Erewhile the anger 
Of Yngling's son 
I bore, prince royal 
Of race divine. 
With hood of daring 
O'er dark locks drawn 
A lord right noble 
I rode to seek.

4. 
'There sate in might 
The monarch strong, 
With helm of terror 
High-throned and dread; 
A king unbending 
With bloody blade 
Within York city 
Wielded he power.

5. 
'That moon-like brightness 
Might none behold, 
Nor brook undaunted 
Great Eric's brow: 
As fiery serpent<ref>'''As fiery serpent''': „Í 5. vísu Arinbjarnarkviðu er nýgerving þar sem hinum ógnvænlegu augum Eiríks blóðaxar er lýst. Í Húsdrápu Úlfs Uggasonar, sem varðveitt er í Snorra-Eddu, birtist sama nýgerving“ [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (p. 21).</ref> 
His flashing eyes 
Shot starry radiance 
Stern and keen.

6. 
'Yet I to this ruler 
Of fishful seas 
My bolster-mate's ransom 
Made bold to bear, 
Of Odin's goblet 
O'erflowing dew 
Each listening ear-mouth 
Eagerly drank.

7. 
'Not beauteous in seeming 
My bardic fee 
To ranks of heroes 
In royal hall: 
When I my hood-knoll<ref>'''When I my hood-knoll''': "[Í þessari vísu] líkir Egill höfði sínu við staup sem hann þiggur fyrir mjöð Óðins. Þetta minnir á vísu Braga Boddasonar þar sem hann er eins og Egill að rifja upp þann atburð er hann þá höfuð sitt fyrir skáldskap." [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (p. 22).</ref> 
Wolf-gray of hue 
For mead of Odin 
From monarch gat.

8. 
'Thankful I took it, 
And therewithal 
The pit-holes black 
Of my beetling brows;<ref>'''Of my beetling brows''': "Arinbjarnarkviða staðfestir [hér] að Egill sé dökkhærður. Ófá eru þau íslensk skáld sem sögð eru dökkhærð, sbr. hið algenga skáldaviðurnefni „svarti“ ... Hefðin hefur gert skáldin dökk." [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (p. 26).</ref> 
Yea and that mouth 
That for me bare 
The poem of praise 
To princely knees.

9. 
'Tooth-fence took I, 
And tongue likewise, 
Ears' sounding chambers 
And sheltering eaves. 
And better deemed I 
Than brightest gold 
The gift then given 
By glorious king.

10. 
'There a staunch stay 
Stood by my side, 
One man worth many 
Of meaner wights, 
Mine own true friend 
Whom trusty I found, 
High-couraged ever 
In counsels bold.

11. 
'Arinbjorn 
Alone us saved 
Foremost of champions 
From fury of king; 
Friend of the monarch 
He framed no lies 
Within that palace 
Of warlike prince.

12. 
'Of the stay of our house 
Still spake he truth, 
(While much he honoured 
My hero-deeds) 
Of the son of Kveldulf, 
Whom fair-haired king 
Slew for a slander, 
But honoured slain.

13. 
'Wrong were it if he 
Who wrought me good, 
Gold-splender lavish, 
Such gifts had cast 
To the wasteful tract 
Of the wild sea-mew, 
To the surge rough-ridden 
By sea-kings' steeds.

14. 
'False to my friend 
Were I fairly called, 
An untrue steward 
Of Odin's cup; 
Of praise unworthy, 
Pledge-breaker vile, 
If I for such good 
Gave nought again.

15. 
'Now better seeth 
The bard to climb 
With feet poetic 
The frowning steep,<ref>'''the frowning steep''': "The startling image of poetry not as liquid but as leafy timber appears to be reinforced in the first helming of stanza 15 of Arinbjarnarkviða, where Egill says that Arinbjörn’s deeds can be “easily polished (or smoothed) by the voice-plane” (erum auðskæf/ ómunlokri)." [[Clover, Carol. Scaldic Sensibility]] (p. 76).</ref> 
And set forth open 
In sight of all 
The laud and honour 
Of high-born chief.

16. 
'Now shall my voice-plane 
Shape into song 
Virtues full many 
Of valiant friend. 
Ready on tongue 
Twofold they lie, 
Yea, threefold praises 
Of Thorir's son.

17. 
'First tell I forth 
What far is known, 
Openly bruited 
In ears of all; 
How generous of mood 
Men deem this lord, 
Bjorn of the hearth-fire 
The birchwood's bane.

18. 
'Folk bear witness 
With wond'ring praise, 
How to all guests 
Good gifts he gives: 
For Bjorn of the hearth-stone 
Is blest with store 
Freely and fully 
By Frey and Njord.

19. 
'To him, high scion 
Of Hroald's tree, 
Fulness of riches 
Flowing hath come; 
And friends ride thither 
In thronging crowd 
By all wide ways 
'Neath windy heaven.

20. 
'Above his ears 
Around his brow 
A coronal fair, 
As a king, he wore. 
Beloved of gods, 
Beloved of men, 
The warrior's friend, 
The weakling's aid.

21. 
'That mark he hitteth 
That most men miss; 
Though money they gather, 
This many lack: 
For few be the bounteous 
And far between, 
Nor easily shafted 
Are all men's spears.

22. 
'Out of the mansion 
Of Arinbjorn, 
When guested and rested 
In generous wise, 
None with hard jest, 
None with rude jeer, 
None with his axe-hand 
Ungifted hie.

23. 
'Hater of money 
Is he of the Firths, 
A foe to the gold-drops 
Of Draupnir born. 
. . . . .

24. 
'Rings he scatters, 
Riches he squanders, 
Of avarice thievish 
An enemy still. 
. . . . .

25. 
'Long course of life 
His lot hath been, 
By battles broken, 
Bereft of peace. 
. . . . .

26. 
'Early waked I,<ref>'''Early waked I''': "Aber durch das Exegi monumentum aere perennius der letzten V. [Vísa] stellt der Dichter sein eigenes Ich wieder als Hauptsache hin. Und das gilt schliesslich fuer den ganzen Rahmen der Arbj. [Arinbjarnarkviða]: das Mittelgewicht, um das alles kreist, ist eben doch Egils Ich, seine Dichtersittlichkeit." [[Vogt, Walther H.. Von Bragi zu Egil]] (p. 202).</ref> 
Word I gathered, 
Toiled each morning 
With speech-moulding tongue. 
A proud pile<ref>'''proud pile''': "[I]n the concluding stanza Egill returns to the idea of language as a signal tower, a beacon on a high sea-cliff like Beowulf’s arrow ... Now Egill had not read Horace’s “monumentum aere perennius”; in fact there is no reason to believe that Egill had read anyone who did not write in runes, but the fame of Arinbjörn is here made equivalent to a monument of stone. And it is hard not to think of the conjunction of stone monument, written language, and fame that we know from some of the Swedish runestones." [[Harris, Joseph. Romancing the Rune]] ('. 136-37).</ref> built I 
Of praise long-lasting 
To stand unbroken<ref>'''stand unbroken''': "Arinbjarnarkviða er endurminning skálds um stórfeinglega ævi, sem vitjar hans í elli, með ástríðufullum viðbrögðum við mönnum konúngum vinum og guðum; henni lýkur með erindi sem gerir tímasetníngar að aukaatriði eða réttara sagt lyftir yrkisefninu upp í eilífan tíma." [[Halldór Laxness. Egill Skallagrímsson og sjónvarpið]] (p. 120).</ref> 
In Bragi's town.' 

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 80==

'''Ólafur fékk Þorgerðar'''

Ólafur hét maður, son Höskulds Dala-Kollssonar og son Melkorku dóttur Mýrkjartans Írakonungs. Ólafur bjó í Hjarðarholti í Laxárdal vestur í Breiðafjarðardölum. Ólafur var stórauðigur að fé. Hann var þeirra manna fríðastur sýnum er þá voru á Íslandi. Hann var skörungur mikill.

Ólafur bað Þorgerðar dóttur Egils. Þorgerður var væn kona og kvenna mest, vitur og heldur skapstór en hversdaglega kyrrlát. Egill kunni öll deili á Ólafi og vissi að það gjaforð var göfugt og fyrir því var Þorgerður gift Ólafi. Fór hún til bús með honum í Hjarðarholt. Þeirra börn voru þau Kjartan, Þorbergur, Halldór, Steindór, Þuríður, Þorbjörg, Bergþóra. Hana átti Þórhallur goði Oddason. Þorbjörgu átti fyrr Ásgeir Knattarson en síðar Vermundur Þorgrímsson. Þuríði átti Guðmundur Sölmundarson. Voru þeirra synir Hallur og Víga-Barði.

Össur Eyvindarson bróðir Þórodds í Ölfusi fékk Beru dóttur Egils.

Böðvar son Egils var þá frumvaxta. Hann var hinn efnilegasti maður, fríður sýnum, mikill og sterkur svo sem verið hafði Egill eða Þórólfur á hans aldri. Egill unni honum mikið. Var Böðvar og elskur að honum.

Það var eitt sumar að skip var í Hvítá og var þar mikil kaupstefna. Hafði Egill þar keypt við margan og lét flytja heim á skipi. Fóru húskarlar og höfðu skip áttært er Egill átti. Það var þá eitt sinn að Böðvar beiddist að fara með þeim og þeir veittu honum það. Fór hann þá inn á Völlu með húskörlum. Þeir voru sex saman á áttæru skipi. Og er þeir skyldu út fara þá var flæðurin síð dags og er þeir urðu hennar að bíða þá fóru þeir um kveldið síð. Þá hljóp á útsynningur steinóði en þar gekk í móti útfallsstraumur. Gerði þá stórt á firðinum sem þar kann oft verða. Lauk þar svo að skipið kafði undir þeim og týndust þeir allir. En eftir um daginn skaut upp líkunum. Kom lík Böðvars inn í Einarsnes en sum komu fyrir sunnan fjörðinn og rak þangað skipið. Fannst það inn við Reykjarhamar.

Þann dag spurði Egill þessi tíðindi og þegar reið hann að leita líkanna. Hann fann rétt lík Böðvars. Tók hann það upp og setti í kné sér og reið með út í Digranes til haugs Skalla-Gríms.<ref>'''haugs Skalla-Gríms''': "Egill est responsable de la mort de son frère ainé. En plus, il refuse de donner à son père la compensation qui lui est destinée. Celui-ci décide de revenir après la mort pour se venger sur son fils cadet. Celui-ci fait pourtant de son mieux pour l’empêcher de revenir, mais il n’y arrive pas. Le fait qu’il place le cadavre de son fils noyé dans le tertre de son père indique qu’il pense que ce dernier a causé sa mort." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Thykir mér gódh sonareign í thér]] (s. ??).</ref> Hann lét þá opna hauginn og lagði Böðvar þar niður hjá Skalla-Grími. Var síðan aftur lokinn haugurinn og var eigi fyrr lokið en um dagsetursskeið. Eftir það reið Egill heim til Borgar og er hann kom heim þá gekk hann þegar til lokrekkju þeirrar er hann var vanur að sofa í. Hann lagðist niður og skaut fyrir loku. Engi þorði að krefja hann máls.

En svo er sagt, þá er þeir settu Böðvar niður, að Egill var búinn, hosan var strengd fast að beini. Hann hafði fustanskyrtil rauðan, þröngvan upphlutinn og lás að síðu. En það er sögn manna að hann þrútnaði svo að kyrtillinn rifnaði af honum og svo hosurnar.<ref>'''þrútinn af harmi''': "Í útgáfu Finns Jónssonar af sögunni frá 1924 og í útgáfu Sigurðar Nordals frá 1933 er þegar hér er komið sögunni minnt á lýsingu Völsunga sögu á harmi Sigurðar Fáfnisbana eftir viðræðu þeirra Brynhildar, þar sem þau höfðu játað hvort öðru ást sína um leið og þau viðurkenndiu að ekki gæti annað af henni leitt en hörmung og dauða." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Um fáein harmræn atriði í Völsunga sögu og Egils sögu.]] (s. 10).</ref>

En eftir um daginn lét Egill ekki upp lokrekkjuna. Hann hafði þá og engan mat né drykk. Lá hann þar þann dag og nóttina eftir. Engi maður þorði að mæla við hann.

En hinn þriðja morgun þegar er lýsti þá lét Ásgerður skjóta hesti undir mann, reið sá sem ákaflegast vestur í Hjarðarholt, og lét segja Þorgerði þessi tíðindi öll saman og var það um nónskeið er hann kom þar. Hann sagði og það með að Ásgerður hafði sent henni orð að koma sem fyrst suður til Borgar.

Þorgerður lét þegar söðla sér hest og fylgdu henni tveir menn. Riðu þau um kveldið og nóttina til þess er þau komu til Borgar. Gekk Þorgerður þegar inn í eldahús. Ásgerður heilsaði henni og spurði hvort þau hefðu náttverð etið.

Þorgerður segir hátt: „Engvan hefi eg náttverð haft og engan mun eg fyrr en að Freyju. Kann eg mér eigi betri ráð en faðir minn. Vil eg ekki lifa eftir föður minn og bróður.“

Hún gekk að lokhvílunni og kallaði: „Faðir, lúk upp hurðunni, vil eg að við förum eina leið bæði.“

Egill spretti frá lokunni. Gekk Þorgerður upp í hvílugólfið og lét loku fyrir hurðina. Lagðist hún niður í aðra rekkju er þar var.

Þá mælti Egill: „Vel gerðir þú dóttir er þú vilt fylgja föður þínum. Mikla ást hefir þú sýnt við mig. Hver von er að eg muni lifa vilja við harm þenna?“<ref>'''lifa vilja við harm þenna''': „Völu-Steinn og Egill heyja helstríð af harmi eftir syni sína […] Um áhrif Landnámu á Egils sögu […] mætti spyrja hvort það sé ekki einmitt frásögnin af Völu-Steini sem haft hefur áhrif á sköpun frásagnarinnar um harm Egils. Sonatorrek hefur þá orðið til í hrifnæmum huga þess sem þekkti til Ögmundardrápu" [[Baldur Hafstað. HSk, Landnáma og Egils saga]] (s. 32).</ref>

Síðan þögðu þau um hríð.

Þá mælti Egill: „Hvað er nú dóttir, tyggur þú nú nokkuð?“

„Tygg eg söl,“<ref>'''tygg eg söl''': "Hér er... líklegast fyrsta tilvitnun um sölvaát í fornsögum okkar, og má ætla að sú matarvenja hafi fluttst hingað með landnámsmönnum... [Söl voru] snar þáttur í fæðuöflun landsmanna, en þó var bundið landshlutum, hélst svo gegnum aldir, en fór minnkandi og lagðist alveg af í byrjun þessarar aldar." [[Sigurður Samúelsson. Sjúkdómar og dánarmein íslenskra fornmanna]] (s. 263).</ref> segir hún, „því að eg ætla að mér muni þá verra en áður. Ætla eg ella að eg muni of lengi lifa.“

„Er það illt manni?“ segir Egill.

„Allillt,“ segir hún, „viltu eta?“<ref>'''viltu eta''': "C'est ainsi qu'elle mâche des algues pour avoir une raison de faire apporter de l'eau. [...] Mais ce n'est pas uniquement de la mort physique qu'elle le sauve. Si on considère qu'Egill est chrétien, [...], elle est aussi en train de le sauver d'un péché qui menace son salut éternel: le désespoir." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Le statut théologique d‘Egill Skalla-Grímsson]] (s. 285).</ref>

„Hvað mun varða?“ segir hann.

En stundu síðar kallaði hún og bað gefa sér drekka. Síðan var henni gefið vatn að drekka.

Þá mælti Egill: „Slíkt gerir að er sölin etur, þyrstir æ þess að meir.“

„Viltu drekka faðir?“<ref>'''Viltu drekka faðir?''': „Ef Egils saga hefur verið sögð í gildi, þar sem þekkt var táknmál kristinna launhelga, skilst flest í dæminu. Mjólk er þá tákn um endurfæðingu Egils. Hann er að segja skiljið við óargadýrið, hann er að bjóða velkomið manneðlið, læknislistina og skáldskaparíþróttina“. [[Einar Pálsson. Bræður himins og Egils saga]] (s. 6).</ref> segir hún.

Hann tók við og svalg stórum og var það í dýrshorni.

Þá mælti Þorgerður: „Nú erum við vélt.<ref>'''Nú erum við vélt''': „Elle déclare mâcher des algues pour hâter son trépas. [...] Sa fille le calme en lui suggérant de composer une élégie á la mémoire de son fils. [...] Cet épisode unit le tragique et le comique, tout en témoignant d´une sagesse sur les sentiments les intimes du coeur humain.“ [[Torfi H. Tulinius. La saga d’Egill et l’histoire du roman]] (s. 150).</ref> Þetta er mjólk.“<ref>'''þetta er mjólk''': "Hafi Egill átt möguleika á eilífu lífi, þar sem hann var tekinn inn í samfélag kristinna manna með prímsigningunni, þá skipti máli að hann svelti sig ekki til bana, eins og hann ætlaði að gera eftir að eftirlætissonur hans Böðvar drukknaði í Borgarfirði. Þegar Þorgerður narraði Egil til að bergja af mjólkinni og stakk svo upp á því að hann semdi erfikvæði um son sinn, með þeirri afleiðingu að hann hætti við að deyja, var hún ekki aðeins að bjarga lífi hans heldur líka sál." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Hjálpræði frá Egilsdætrum]] (s. 69).</ref>

Þá beit Egill skarð úr horninu, allt það er tennur tóku, og kastaði horninu síðan.

Þá mælti Þorgerður: „Hvað skulum við nú til ráðs taka? Lokið er nú þessi ætlan. Nú vildi eg faðir að við lengdum líf okkart svo að þú mættir yrkja erfikvæði<ref>'''yrkja erfikvæði''': „Geðrænar truflanir eiga sér þar ávallt rökræn tildrög, og lýsingar á ytra atferli þeirra samræmast nánar þeim klinisku myndum sem þekktar eru í geðlæknisfræðinni nú á
dögum og gefa jafnframt vísbendingu um innra eðli þeirra [...]. Það er eftirtektarvert að [Þorgerður] viðhefur sams konar tilburði gagnvart Agli og nú á tímum þykja vænlegastir til árangurs í geðlækningum og eru í reyndinni forsenda þess að terapeutisk breyting eigi sér stað, þ.e. að sjúklingurinn losni við einkenni sín og verði aftur samur og jafn fyrir tilverknað meðferðarinnar” [[Jakob Jónasson. Aftur í aldir]] (s. 27-28).</ref> eftir Böðvar en eg mun rísta á kefli, en síðan deyjum við ef okkur sýnist. Seint ætla eg Þorstein son þinn yrkja kvæðið eftir Böðvar en það hlýðir eigi að hann sé eigi erfður því að eigi ætla eg okkur sitja að drykkjunni þeirri að hann er erfður.“

Egill segir að það var þá óvænt að hann mundi þá yrkja mega þótt hann leitaði við „en freista má eg þess,“<ref>'''freista má eg þess''': "the Sonatorrek [...] gives a clearer insight into the mind of Egill than any other of his poems, showing him as an affectionate, sensitive, lonely ageing man, and not the ruffianly bully which he sometimes appears to be in the Saga." [[Turville-Petre, Gabriel. The Sonatorrek]] (s. 36).</ref> segir hann.

Egill hafði þá átt son er Gunnar hét og hafði sá og andast litlu áður.

Og er þetta upphaf kvæðis:<ref>'''upphaf kvæðis''': "While reading Egill’s poem on the loss of his sons, we are filled with admiration and wonder. Its light shines like the Northern Lights, the Aurora Borealis. It springs from a hidden source, its deep-glowing colours fanning out over the expanse of heaven, but displaying the grandeur of its radiance only in the twilight of the day." [[Bouman, Ari C. Egill Skallagrímsson‘s Poem Sonatorrek]] (s. 40).</ref>

1. 
Mjök erum tregt<ref>'''mjök erum tregt''': "Þyki ástæða til að vefengja að Egill hafi kveðið Sonatorrek, þá væri enginn maður líklegri til að hafa "sett sig í spor Egils" en Snorri Sturluson, svo framarlega sem hann hefir verið höfundur Egils sögu." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Skáldið í Reykjaholti]] (s. 39).</ref> 
tungu að hræra<ref>'''tungu að hræra''': "Sonattorek itself opens with a complaint about the difficulty of it’s erection [...] and although there is no question of an overt sexual or marital meaning here, the wider system of tongue/sword/penis correspondences invites us to just such associations, which serve in turn to confirm our sense that this poem stems from a very point very far down gender scale – a point at which sword and penis have given away to the tongue, and even the tongue may not be up to the task" [[Clover, Carol J.. Regardless of sex]] (s. 16).</ref> 
eða loftvægi 
ljóðpundara. 
Era nú vænlegt 
um Viðris þýfi 
né hógdrægt 
úr hugar fylgsni.<ref>'''hugar fylgsni''': „Thus there is made an analogy between drawing the "theft of Óðinn" from the breast and the mythic stealing of the mead. The use of fylgsni "hiding place" as the source of "Viðurs þýfi" suggests the myth in itself, but because fylgsni belongs to a larger unit "hugar fylgsni" this remains a subordinate, though intensifying, association“. [[Stevens, John. The Mead of Poetry: Myth and Metaphor]] (s. ??).</ref>

2. 
Era andþeystr<ref>'''era andþeystr''': "Það er eftirtektarvert, að Egill endurtekur í tveim fyrstu vísunum sömu hugsunina fimm sinnum með breyttum orðum. Slík þráhugsun er eitt af aðaleinkennum þungrar sorgar." [[Guðmundur Finnbogason. Um nokkrar vísur Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (s. 162).</ref> 
því að ekki veldr 
höfuglegr, 
úr hyggju stað 
fagnafundr 
Þriggja niðja, 
ár borinn 
úr jötunheimum,

3. 
Lastalaus 
er lifnaði 
á Nökkvers 
nökkva bragi. 
Jötuns háls 
undir flota 
Náins niðr 
fyr naustdurum.

4. 
Því að ætt mín<ref>'''ætt mín''': "ruft der alte Egil in v 4 aus: 'Mein geschlecht steht am ende wie die sturmgefällten baumäste', so liegt darin das zornige bekenntnis, dass Thorstein als trost und ersatz für die toten brüder völlig versagte und somit als sohn überhaupt nicht mehr für den vater in betracht kam." [[Niedner, Felix. Egils Sonatorrek]] (S. 221).</ref> 
á enda stendr,<ref>'''á enda stendr''': "Sonatorrek er fyrsta íslenzka kvæðið og Egill fyrsti Íslendingurinn að því leyti, að hjá honum kemur fyrst skýrt fram sú sundurgreining sálarlífsins, sem skapaðist við flutning Íslendinga vestur um haf og varð skilyrði andlegra afreka þeirra, sem þeir unnu fram yfir Norðmenn." [[Sigurður Nordal. Átrúnaður Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (s. 164).</ref> 
sem hræbarnir 
hlynnar marka.<ref>'''hlynnar marka''': "Mjer hefur komið til hugar, að hjer ætti að lesa hilmir." [[Björn M. Ólsen. Um vísu í Sonatorreki]] (s. 134).</ref> 
Era karskr maðr 
sá er köggla ber 
frænda hrörs 
af fletjum niðr. 

5. 
Þó mun ég mitt 
og móður hrör 
föður fall 
fyrst um telja. 
Það ber ég út 
úr orðhofi 
mærðar timbur 
máli laufgað.

6. 
Grimmt varum hlið 
það er hrönn um braut 
föður míns 
á frændgarði. 
Veit ég ófullt 
og opið standa 
sonar skarð 
er mér sjár um vann.

7. 
Mjög hefr Rán 
ryskt um mig. 
Er ég ofsnauðr 
að ástvinum. 
Sleit mar bönd 
minnar ættar, 
... þátt 
af sjálfum mér.<ref>'''sjálfum mér''': "Egill’s sense that an outrageous wrong has been committed against him personally, emphasised by ‘minnar ættar’ and ‘sjọlfum mér’, brings the desire for a counter attack: the same concern with justice and repayment which took such a positive form in Arinbjarnakviða here demands revenge" [[Larrington, Carolyne. Egill‘s longer Poems: Arinbjarnarkviða and Sonatorrek]] (s. 58).</ref> 

8. 
Veistu um þá sök 
sverði of rækag, 
var ölsmiðr 
allra tíma. 
Hroða vogs bræðr, 
ef vega mættag, 
færi ég andvígr 
Ægis mani.

9. 
En ég ekki 
eiga þóttumst 
sakar afl 
við súðs bana 
því að alþjóð 
fyr augum verðr 
gamals þegns 
gengileysi.

10. 
Mig hefr mar 
miklu ræntan, 
grimmt er fall 
frænda að telja, 
síðan er minn 
á munvega 
ættar skjöldr 
aflífi hvarf.

11. 
Veit ég það sjálfr 
að í syni mínum 
vara ills þegns 
efni vaxið 
ef sá randviðr 
röskvask næði 
uns her-Gauts 
hendr of tæki.

12. 
Æ lét flest 
það er faðir mælti 
þótt öll þjóð 
annað segði, 
mér upp hélt 
of verbergi 
og mitt afl 
mest um studdi.

13. 
Oft kemr mér 
mána bjarnar 
í byrvind 
bræðraleysi. 
Hyggjumst um 
er hildr þróast, 
nýsumst hins 
og hygg að því

14. 
hver mér hugaðr 
á hlið standi 
annar þegn 
við óðræði. 
Þarf ég hans oft 
of hergjörum. 
Verð ég varfleygr, 
er vinir þverra.

15. 
Mjög er torfyndr 
sá er trúa knegum 
of alþjóð 
Elgjar gálga<ref>'''elgjar gálga''': "''elgjar'' getur með engu móti hjer táknað dýrið ''elgr'', heldur sama sem ''krap'', hálfbræddur snjór. ... ''Gálgi'' er trje, sem eitthvað er hengt á, þótt það sje haft í fornmálinu um það trje eitt, sem menn eru hengdir í. ''elgjar gálgi'' er þá sá ''gálgi'', sem snjór hangir á, og það verður Ísland". [[Halldór Kr. Friðriksson. Egils saga]] (s. 373).</ref> 
því að niflgóðr 
niðja steypir 
bróður hrör 
við baugum selur.

16. 
Finn ek það oft, 
er fjár beiðir ...

17. 
Það er og mælt 
að enginn geti 
sonar iðgjöld 
nema sjálfr ali túni 
þann nið 
er öðrum sé 
borinn maðr 
í bróður stað.

18. 
Erumka þokkt 
þjóða sinni 
þótt sérhver 
sátt um haldi. 
Bir er Bískips 
í bæ kominn, 
kvonar son, 
kynnis leita.

19. 
En mér fannst 
í föstum þokk 
hrosta hilmir 
á hendi stendr. 
Máka eg upp 
í aróar grímu, 
rýnisreið, 
réttri halda,

20. 
síð er son minn 
sóttar brími 
heiftuglegr 
úr heimi nam, 
þann eg veit 
að varnaði 
vamma var 
við námæli.

21. 
Það man ég enn 
er upp um hóf 
í goðheim 
Gauta spjalli 
ættar ask 
þann er óx af mér, 
og kynvið 
kvonar minnar.

22. 
Átti ég gott<ref>'''átti ég gott''': "Egill's profound poem also comprises ... a kind of ''minority report'', a set of mythological allusions with an undermining and unsettling effect. These references to a group of Odinic stories outside the Baldr complex but somehow related to it seem to undercut or even deconstruct the official mythology by concerning themselves with problems that are papered or denied in the central Baldr myths ... The major stories from this group will be immediately recalled by the names of their long-lived protagonists, all sacrificers or would-be-sacrifices of sons or near-kinsmen: King Aun, King Haraldr hilditǫnn, and Strakaðr the Old. I will argue that Egill takes on the persona of each in the course of his poem." [[Harris, Joseph. Sacrifice and Guilt in Sonatorrek]] (s. 174-75).</ref> 
við geira drottin. 
Gerðumst tryggr 
að trúa honum, 
áðr um að 
vagna runni, 
sigrhöfundr, 
um sleit við mig.

23. 
Blótka eg því 
bróður Vílis, 
goðs jaðar, 
að eg gjarn sék. 
Þó hefr Míms vinur 
mér um fengnar 
bölva bætr<ref>'''bölva bætr''': "niðurstaða þess [kvæðisins] er sú að í stóru böli, þegar ekki fæst hjálp leingur af máttarvöldum, þá sé athvarf í skáldskap." [[Halldór Laxness. Egill Skallagrímsson og sjónvarpið]] (s. 118).</ref> 
ef hið betra teldi.

24. 
Gafumst íþrótt<ref>'''Gafumst íþrótt''': „Í næstefsta erindi Sonatorreks drepur Egill á tvær gjafir, sem hann hafði þegið að Óðni: „vammi firrða ''íþrótt''“ (skáldskapar) og „það geð er eg gerði mér vísa fjendur að vélöndum“. Þessi orð skáldsins gefa tilefni til ýmissa hugleiðinga um þær guðlegu gjafir, sem getið er annars staðar í fornum bókmenntum vorum“. [[Hermann Pálsson. Tveir þættir um Egils sögu]] (s. 80).</ref> 
úlfs um bági 
vígi vanur 
vammi firrða 
og það geð 
er eg gerði mér 
vísa fjandr 
af vélöndum.

25. 
Nú er mér torvelt.<ref>'''Nú er mér torvelt''': "Of this poem and others like it in the skaldic corpus it may be said that there are in fact two “topics,” an ostensible one, and the poet’s own perception of the ostensible one, and that the latter may on occasion so overshadow the former that it tends to become the poem’s main subject." [[Clover, Carol. Scaldic Sensibility]] (s. 65)</ref> 
Tveggja bága 
njörva nift 
á nesi stendr. 
Skal eg þó glaður 
með góðan vilja<ref>'''með góðan vilja''': "„Góður vilji“ er mjög upprunalegt hugtak í kristindómi, í senn guðfræðilegt og siðfræðilegt. [...] Skilyrði fyrir hjálpræði er að mennirnir séu með góðan vilja: blessun guðs er yfir manni sem hefur góðan vilja.; fyrir bragðið bíður hann „glaður og óhryggur“ hvers sem að höndum ber." [[Halldór Laxness. Nokkrir hnýsilegir staðir í fornkvæðum]] (s. 22).</ref> 
og óhryggr 
heljar bíða.<ref>'''heljar bíða''': "Í ... niðurlagserindi Sonatorreks, vega salt, ef svo má segja, útsynningurinn og hinn heiðni boðskapur um kjark og lífsgleði – líkt og böl og bölva bætur í vísunum næst á undan. Þannig tekst skáldinu – í lok kvæðisins – „at létta upp pundaraskaptinu“." [[Ólafur M. Ólafsson. Sonatorrek]] (s. 187).</ref>

Egill tók að hressast<ref>'''tók að hressast''': „Grief, [Egill] said, made it hard for him to write. Grief did not cause him to write, but he wrote despite grief. The two are opposed. By making his poem Egill conquered his grief: the gift of poesy was “high amends” for his loss, a “fault-free unfailing skill” through which he rendered himself able to meet his fate. The crystallization of emotional experience in an intellectual form enables the poet to transcend that experience.“ [[Bolton, W.F. The Old Icelandic Dróttkvætt]] (s. 284-85).</ref> svo sem fram leið að yrkja kvæðið<ref>'''að yrkja kvæðið''': „[T]he composer of Egils saga adopts a stronger interest in the poet’s production of verse in a personalised context than in his composition of court poetry for foreign rulers”.[[Clunies Ross, Margaret. The Skald Sagas as a Genre]] (s. 37).</ref> og er lokið var kvæðinu<ref>'''er lokið var kvæðinu''': "In the saga, as well as in Ibsen’s drama [''Hærmændene på Helgeland''], the inclusion of the poem is not purely ornamental: it is thanks to it indeed that the character-author re-engages in action and is able to contribute to the narration again." [[Ferrari, Fulvio. Attraverso gli specchi della riscrittura]] (s. 431).</ref> þá færði hann það Ásgerði og Þorgerði og hjónum sínum. Reis hann þá upp úr rekkju og settist í öndvegi. Kvæði þetta kallaði hann Sonatorrek.<ref>'''torrek''': „Mjer þykir líklegt, að Egill hafi myndað orðið torrek við þetta tækifæri. Síðar hefur merking þess færzt nokkuð til, en þó á eðlilegan hátt (torsótt hefnd, torbætt tjón, þungbær missir)“ [[Árni Pálsson. Sonatorrek]] (s. 153).</ref> Síðan lét Egill erfa sonu sína eftir fornri siðvenju. En er Þorgerður fór heim þá leiddi Egill hana með gjöfum í brott.

Egill bjó að Borg langa ævi og varð maður gamall en ekki er getið að hann ætti málaferli við menn hér á landi. Ekki er og sagt frá hólmgöngum hans eða vígaferlum síðan er hann staðfestist hér á Íslandi.

Svo segja menn að Egill færi ekki í brott af Íslandi síðan er þetta var tíðinda er nú var áður frá sagt, og bar það mest til þess að Egill mátti ekki vera í Noregi af þeim sökum sem fyrr var frá sagt að konungar þóttust eiga við hann. Bú hafði hann rausnarsamlegt því að fé skorti eigi. Hann hafði og gott skaplyndi til þess.

Hákon konungur Aðalsteinsfóstri réð fyrir Noregi langa stund en hinn efra hlut ævi hans þá komu synir Eiríks til Noregs og deildu til ríkis í Noregi við Hákon konung og áttu þeir orustu saman og hafði Hákon jafnan sigur. Hina síðustu orustu áttu þeir á Hörðalandi, í Storð á Fitjum. Þar fékk Hákon konungur sigur og þar með banasár. Eftir það tóku þeir konungdóm í Noregi Eiríkssynir.

Arinbjörn hersir var með Haraldi Eiríkssyni og gerðist ráðgjafi hans og hafði af honum veislur stórlega miklar. Var hann forstjóri fyrir liði og landvörn. Arinbjörn var hermaður mikill og sigursæll. Hann hafði að veislum Fjarðafylki.

Egill Skalla-Grímsson spurði þessi tíðindi, að konungaskipti var orðið í Noregi, og það með að Arinbjörn var þá kominn í Noreg til búa sinna og hann var þá í virðing mikilli. Þá orti Egill kvæði<ref>'''orti Egill kvæði''': "Strophen [...], deren Echtheit mir ziemlich sicher erscheint[:] An erster Stelle die Strophen, die den Freund Arinbjǫrn preisen, namentlich Str. 27, die dieselbe Umschreibung des Namens erhält, wie die Arinbjarnarkviða [...]." [[Vries, Jan de. Altnordische Literaturgeschichte]] (s. 139).</ref> um Arinbjörn<ref>'''kvæði um Arinbjörn''': "[V]ísurnar um Arinbjörn mynda hápunkt verksins. Það sem eftir lifir sögunnar er ekkert annað en nauðsynleg sögulok." [[Baldur Hafstað. Konungsmenn í kreppu og vinátta í Egils sögu]] (s. 97)</ref> og er þetta upphaf að:<ref>'''upphaf að''': "Arinbjarnarkviða stendur aðeins í Möðruvallabók. Það vekur grun um að sagan sé tilefni þessa kveðskapar, en kveðskapurinn ekki tilefni sögunnar eins og gjarnan er talið." [[Sveinbjörn Rafnsson. Sagnastef í íslenskri menningarsögu]] (s. 93).</ref>

1. 
Emk hraðkvæðr<ref>'''Emk hraðkvæðr''': "Egil boasts
about […] being able to compose swiftly. Ease and swiftness, not least the originality of the artistic creation, are tokens of the high-rank poet. Egil’s stanza is never
[…] circumscribed or tendentially circular [… but] elastic and movable. The discourse
develops in a cascade from the thread of semantic- and sound-associations, while being
hastened by the enjambements and barely restrained by reservations and doubts. Egil’s
poems move in time, they let air filter in between [the verses] and display their previous
and later stage, their solutions and their premises." [[Koch, Ludovica. Gli scaldi]] (s. 111-12).</ref> 
hilmi at mæra, 
en glapmáll 
um glöggvinga, 
opinspjallr 
of jöfurs dáðum, 
en þagmælskr 
um þjóðlygi. 

2. 
skaupi gnægðr 
skrökberöndum, 
emk vilkvæðr 
um vini mína. 
sótt hefi eg mörg 
mildinga sjöt<ref>'''mildinga sjöt''': "The general themes of the poem are addressed already in the first two verses: the nature of nobility, later exemplified by Arinbjọrn, consisting in generosity, ‘mildinga’ (generous lords) 2.6, and courage, ‘jọfurs dáðum’ (a lord’s great deeds) 1.6, and their opposites: ‘gløggvinga’ (misers) 1.4, and skrọkberọndum’ (lying boasters) 2.2." [[Larrington, Carolyne. Egill‘s longer Poems: Arinbjarnarkviða and Sonatorrek]] (s. 51).</ref> 
með grunlaust 
grepps um æði. 

3. 
Hafði eg endr 
Ynglings burar, 
ríks konungs, 
reiði fengna; 
Dró eg djarfhött 
um dökkva skör, 
lét eg hersi 
heim um sóttan. 

4. 
þar er allvaldr 
und ægishjalmi, 
ljóðfrömuðr, 
að landi sat. 
Stýrir konungr 
við stirðan hug 
í Jórvík 
úrgum hjörvi. 

5. 
Vara það tunglskin 
tryggt að líta, 
né ógnlaust, 
Eiríks bráa; 
þá er ormfránn 
ennimáni <ref>'''ormfránn ennimáni''': „Í 5. vísu Arinbjarnarkviðu er nýgerving þar sem hinum ógnvænlegu augum Eiríks blóðaxar er lýst. Í Húsdrápu Úlfs Uggasonar, sem varðveitt er í Snorra-Eddu, birtist sama nýgerving“ [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (s. 21).</ref> 
skein allvalds 
ægigeislum. 

6. Þó eg bólstrverð 
um bera þorði 
maka hængs 
markar dróttni, 
svo að Yggs full 
ýranda kom 
að hvers manns 
hlusta munnum. 

7. Né hamfagrt 
hölðum þótti 
skaldfé mitt 
að skata húsum, 
þá er ulfgrátt 
við Yggjar miði 
hattar staup<ref>'''hattar staup''': "[Í þessari vísu] líkir Egill höfði sínu við staup sem hann þiggur fyrir mjöð Óðins. Þetta minnir á vísu Braga Boddasonar þar sem hann er eins og Egill að rifja upp þann atburð er hann þá höfuð sitt fyrir skáldskap." [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (s. 22).</ref> <ref>'''hattar staup''': "Men ordet kan också betyda ‘stop, dryckesbägare’. Följaktigen: Egill utskänker skaldemjödet ur huvudets stop och får i gengäld behålla detta stop! Det är en sinnrik tolkning, som förefaller att harmoniera ganska väl med de norröna skaldernas sinne för det komplicerade och dubbelbottnade... [[Hallberg, Peter. Den fornisländska poesien]] (s. 112).</ref> 
at hilmi þák. 

8. Við því tók, 
en tiru fylgðu 
sökk svartleit 
síðra brúna<ref>'''svartleit síðra brúna''': "Arinbjarnarkviða staðfestir [hér] að Egill sé dökkhærður. Ófá eru þau íslensk skáld sem sögð eru dökkhærð, sbr. hið algenga skáldaviðurnefni „svarti“ ... Hefðin hefur gert skáldin dökk." [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (s. 26).</ref> 
ok sá munnr, 
er mína bar 
höfuðlausn 
fyr hilmis kné. 

9. Þar er tannfjöld 
með tungu þák 
ok hlertjöld 
hlustum göfguð 
en sú gjöf 
gulli betri 
hróðugs konungs 
um heitin var. 

10. Þar stóð mér;<ref>'''Þar stóð mér''': [The first ten stanzas of Arinbjarnarkviða] "are in fact once again not at all about the ostensible topic, but about Egill’s own bravura Höfuðlausn performance." [[Clover, Carol. Scaldic Sensibility]] (s. 66).</ref> 
mörgum betri 
hoddfinnendum 
á hlið aðra 
tryggr vinr minn, 
sá er trúa knáttag, 
heiðþróaðr, 
hverju ráði. 

11. Arinbjörn, 
er oss einn um hóf, 
knía fremstr, 
frá konungs fjónum, 
vin þjóðans, 
er vætki laug 
í herskás 
hilmis garði. 

12. Ok . . . 
. . . stuðli lét 
margframaðr 
minna dáða, 
sem en . . . að . . . 
. . . Halfdanar 
að í væri 
ættar skaði. 

13. Mun eg vinþjófr 
verða heitinn 
ok váljúgt 
at Viðris fulli, 
hróðrs örverðr 
ok heitrofi, 
nema þess gagns 
gjöld um vinnag. 

14. Nú er það sét, 
hvar er setja skal 
bragar fótum 
brattstiginn 
fyr mannfjöld, 
margra sjónir, 
hróðr máttigs 
hersa kundar. 

15. Nú erumk auðskæf 
ómunlokri 
magar Þóris 
mærðar efni, 
vinar míns, 
því að valið liggja 
tvenn ok þrenn 
á tungu mér. 

16. Það tel eg fyrst, 
er flestr um veit 
og alþjóð 
eyrun sækir, 
hvé mildgeðr 
mönnum þótti 
bjóða björn 
birkis ótta.

17. Það allsheri 
at undri gefst, 
hvé hann urþjóð 
auði gnægir, 
en grjótbjörn 
um gæddan hefr 
Freyr ok Njörðr 
af fjár afli.

18. En Hróalds 
á höfuðbaðmi 
auðs iðgnótt 
að ölnum sifjar, 
sé . . . 
af vegum öllum 
á vindkers 
víðum botni. 

19. 
Hann drógseil 
um eiga gat 
sem hildingr 
heyrnar spanna, 
goðum ávarðr 
með gumna fjöld, 
vinr véþorms, 
veklinga tæs. 

20. 
Það hann vinnr, 
er þrjóta mun 
flesta menn, 
þótt fé eigi. 
Kveðka eg skammt 
meðal skata húsa 
né auðskeft 
almanna spjör. 

21. Gekk maðr engi 
að Arinbjarnar 
úr legvers 
löngum knerri 
háði leiddr 
né heiftkviðum 
með atgeirs 
auðar toftir. 

22. Hinn er fégrimmr, 
er í Fjörðum býr, 
sá eg um dólgr 
Draupnis niðja, 
en sökunautr 
Sónar hvinna, 
hringum . . . 
hoddvegandi. 

23. Hann aldrteig 
um eiga gat 
fjölsáinn 
með friðar spjöllum 
. . . 

24. Það er órétt, 
ef orpið hefr 
á máskeið 
mörgu gagni, 
rammriðin 
Rökkva stóði, 
vellvönuðr, 
því er veitti mér. 

25. Vask árvakr,<ref>'''Vask árvakr''': "Aber durch das Exegi monumentum aere perennius der letzten V. [Vísa] stellt der Dichter sein eigenes Ich wieder als Hauptsache hin. Und das gilt schliesslich fuer den ganzen Rahmen der Arbj. [Arinbjarnarkviða]: das Mittelgewicht, um das alles kreist, ist eben doch Egils Ich, seine Dichtersittlichkeit." [[Vogt, Walther H.. Von Bragi zu Egil]] (s. 202).</ref> 
bark orð saman 
með málþjóns 
morgunverkum, 
hlóð eg lofköst<ref>'''hlóð eg lofköst''': "[I]n the concluding stanza Egill returns to the idea of language as a signal tower, a beacon on a high sea-cliff like Beowulf’s arrow ... Now Egill had not read Horace’s “monumentum aere perennius”; in fact there is no reason to believe that Egill had read anyone who did not write in runes, but the fame of Arinbjörn is here made equivalent to a monument of stone. And it is hard not to think of the conjunction of stone monument, written language, and fame that we know from some of the Swedish runestones." [[Harris, Joseph. Romancing the Rune]] (s. 136-37).</ref> 
þann er lengi stendr 
óbrotgjarn<ref>'''óbrotgjarn''': "Arinbjarnarkviða er endurminning skálds um stórfeinglega ævi, sem vitjar hans í elli, með ástríðufullum viðbrögðum við mönnum konúngum vinum og guðum; henni lýkur með erindi sem gerir tímasetníngar að aukaatriði eða réttara sagt lyftir yrkisefninu upp í eilífan tíma." [[Halldór Laxness. Egill Skallagrímsson og sjónvarpið]] (s. 120).</ref> 
í bragar túni. 

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Egla, 80

2015-11-14T23:12:14Z

Beth Rogers: /* Kafli 80 */

{{Egla_TOC}}

==Chapter 80==

'''Death of Bodvar: Egil's poem thereon'''

Bodvar Egil's son was just now growing up; he was a youth of great promise, handsome, tall and strong as had been Egil or Thorolf at his age. Egil loved him dearly, and Bodvar was very fond of his father. One summer it happened that there was a ship in White-river, and a great fair was held there. Egil had there bought much wood, which he was having conveyed home by water: for this his house-carles went, taking with them an eight-oared boat belonging to Egil. It chanced one time that Bodvar begged to go with them, and they allowed him so to do. So he went into the field with the house-carles. They were six in all on the eight-oared boat. And when they had to go out again, high-water was late in the day, and, as they must needs wait for the turn of tide, they did not start till late in the evening. Then came on a violent south-west gale, against which ran the stream of the ebb. This made a rough sea in the firth, as can often happen. The end was that the boat sank under them, and all were lost. The next day the bodies were cast up: Bodvar's body came on shore at Einars-ness, but some came in on the south shore of the firth, whither also the boat was driven, being found far in near Reykjarhamar.

Egil heard these tidings that same day, and at once rode to seek the bodies: he found Bodvar's, took it up and set it on his knees, and rode with it out to Digra-ness, to Skallagrim's mound.<ref>'''to Skallagrim's mound''': "Egill est responsable de la mort de son frère ainé. En plus, il refuse de donner à son père la compensation qui lui est destinée. Celui-ci décide de revenir après la mort pour se venger sur son fils cadet. Celui-ci fait pourtant de son mieux pour l’empêcher de revenir, mais il n’y arrive pas. Le fait qu’il place le cadavre de son fils noyé dans le tertre de son père indique qu’il pense que ce dernier a causé sa mort." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Thykir mér gódh sonareign í thér]] (p. ??).</ref> Then he had the mound opened, and laid Bodvar down there by Skallagrim. After which the mound was closed again; this task was not finished till about nightfall. Egil then rode home to Borg, and, when he came home, he went at once to the locked bed-closet in which he was wont to sleep. He lay down, and shut himself in, none daring to crave speech of him.

It is said that when they laid Bodvar in earth Egil was thus dressed: his hose were tight-fitting to his legs, he wore a red kirtle of fustian, closely-fitting, and laced at the sides: but they say that his muscles so swelled with his exertion that the kirtle was rent off him, as were also the hose.<ref>'''swelled with grief''': "Í útgáfu Finns Jónssonar af sögunni frá 1924 og í útgáfu Sigurðar Nordals frá 1933 er þegar hér er komið sögunni minnt á lýsingu Völsunga sögu á harmi Sigurðar Fáfnisbana eftir viðræðu þeirra Brynhildar, þar sem þau höfðu játað hvort öðru ást sína um leið og þau viðurkenndiu að ekki gæti annað af henni leitt en hörmung og dauða." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Um fáein harmræn atriði í Völsunga sögu og Egils sögu]] (p. 10).</ref>

Í útgáfu Finns Jónssonar af sögunni frá 1924 og í útgáfu Sigurðar Nordals frá 1933 er þegar hér er komið sögunni minnt á lýsingu Völsunga sögu á harmi Sigurðar Fáfnisbana eftir viðræðu þeirra Brynhildar, þar sem þau höfðu játað hvort öðru ást sína um leið og þau viðurkenndiu að ekki gæti annað af henni leitt en hörmung og dauða.

On the next day Egil still did not open the bed-closet: he had no meat or drink: there he lay for that day and the following night, no man daring to speak with him. But on the third morning, as soon as it was light, Asgerdr had a man set on horseback, who rode as hard as he could westwards to Hjardarholt, and told Thorgerdr all these tidings; it was about nones when he got there. He said also that Asgerdr had sent her word to come without delay southwards to Borg. Thorgerdr at once bade them saddle her a horse, and two men attended her. They rode that evening and through the night till they came to Borg. Thorgerdr went at once into the hall. Asgerdr greeted her, and asked whether they had eaten supper. Thorgerdr said aloud, 'No supper have I had, and none will I have till I sup with Freyja. I can do no better than does my father: I will not overlive my father and brother.' She then went to the bed-closet and called, 'Father, open the door! I will that we both travel the same road.' Egil undid the lock. Thorgerdr stepped up into the bed-closet, and locked the door again, and lay down on another bed that was there.

Then said Egil, 'You do well, daughter, in that you will follow your father. Great love have you shown to me. What hope is there that I shall wish to live with this grief?'<ref>'''live with this grief''': "Völu-Steinn og Egill heyja helstríð af harmi eftir syni sína […] Um áhrif Landnámu á Egils sögu […] mætti spyrja hvort það sé ekki einmitt frásögnin af Völu-Steini sem haft hefur áhrif á sköpun frásagnarinnar um harm Egils. Sonatorrek hefur þá orðið til í hrifnæmum huga þess sem þekkti til Ögmundardrápu" [[Baldur Hafstað. HSk, Landnáma og Egils saga]] (p. 32).</ref> After this they were silent awhile. Then Egil spoke: 'What is it now, daughter? You are chewing something, are you not?' 'I am chewing samphire,',“<ref>''''I am chewing samphire''': "Hér er... líklegast fyrsta tilvitnun um sölvaát í fornsögum okkar, og má ætla að sú matarvenja hafi fluttst hingað með landnámsmönnum... [Söl voru] snar þáttur í fæðuöflun landsmanna, en þó var bundið landshlutum, hélst svo gegnum aldir, en fór minnkandi og lagðist alveg af í byrjun þessarar aldar." [[Sigurður Samúelsson. Sjúkdómar og dánarmein íslenskra fornmanna]] (p. 263).</ref> said she, 'because I think it will do me harm. Otherwise I think I may live too long.' 'Is samphire bad for man?' said Egil. 'Very bad,' said she; 'will you eat some?'<ref>'''will you eat some''': "C´est ainsi qu´elle mâche des algues pour avoir une raison de faire apporter de l´eau. [...] Mais ce n'est pas uniquement de la mort physique qu´elle le sauve. Si on considère qu'Egill est chrétien, [...], elle est aussi en train de le sauver d'un péché qui menace son salut éternel: le désespoir." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Le statut théologique d‘Egill Skalla-Grímsson]] (p. 285).</ref> 'Why should I not?' said he. A little while after she called and bade them give her drink. Water was brought to her. Then said Egil, 'This comes of eating samphire, one ever thirsts the more.' 'Would you like a drink,<ref>'''Would you like a drink''': "Ef Egils saga hefur verið sögð í gildi, þar sem þekkt var táknmál kristinna launhelga, skilst flest í dæminu. Mjólk er þá tákn um endurfæðingu Egils. Hann er að segja skiljið við óargadýrið, hann er að bjóða velkomið manneðlið, læknislistina og skáldskaparíþróttina". [[Einar Pálsson. Bræður himins og Egils saga]] (p. 6).</ref> father?' said she. He took and swallowed the liquid in a deep draught: it was in a horn. Then said Thorgerdr: 'Now are we deceived; this is milk.'<ref>'''this is milk''': "Hafi Egill átt möguleika á eilífu lífi, þar sem hann var tekinn inn í samfélag kristinna manna með prímsigningunni, þá skipti máli að hann svelti sig ekki til bana, eins og hann ætlaði að gera eftir að eftirlætissonur hans Böðvar drukknaði í Borgarfirði. Þegar Þorgerður narraði Egil til að bergja af mjólkinni og stakk svo upp á því að hann semdi erfikvæði um son sinn, með þeirri afleiðingu að hann hætti við að deyja, var hún ekki aðeins að bjarga lífi hans heldur líka sál." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Hjálpræði frá Egilsdætrum]] (p. 69).</ref> Whereat Egil bit a sherd out of the horn, all that his teeth gripped, and cast the horn down.

Then spoke Thorgerdr: 'What counsel shall we take now? This our purpose is defeated.<ref>'''our purpose is defeated''': „Elle déclare mâcher des algues pour hâter son trépas. [...] Sa fille le calme en lui suggérant de composer une élégie á la mémoire de son fils. [...] Cet épisode unit le tragique et le comique, tout en témoignant d´une sagesse sur les sentiments les intimes du coeur humain.“ [[Torfi H. Tulinius. La saga d’Egill et l’histoire du roman]] (p. 150).</ref> Now I would fain, father, that we should lengthen our lives, so that you may compose a funeral poem<ref>'''compose a funeral poem''': "Geðrænar truflanir eiga sér þar ávallt rökræn tildrög, og lýsingar á ytra atferli þeirra samræmast nánar þeim klinisku myndum sem þekktar eru í geðlæknisfræðinni nú á
dögum og gefa jafnframt vísbendingu um innra eðli þeirra [...]. Það er eftirtektarvert að [Þorgerður] viðhefur sams konar tilburði gagnvart Agli og nú á tímum þykja vænlegastir til árangurs í geðlækningum og eru í reyndinni forsenda þess að terapeutisk breyting eigi sér stað, þ.e. að sjúklingurinn losni við einkenni sín og verði aftur samur og jafn fyrir tilverknað meðferðarinnar." [[Jakob Jónasson. Aftur í aldir]] (pp. 27-28).</ref> on Bodvar, and I will grave it on a wooden roller; after that we can die, if we like. Hardly, I think, can Thorstein your son compose a poem on Bodvar; but it were unseemly that he should not have funeral rites. Though I do not think that we two shall sit at the drinking when the funeral feast is held.' Egil said that it was not to be expected that he could now compose, though he were to attempt it. 'However, I will try this,'<ref>'''I will try this''': "the Sonatorrek [...] gives a clearer insight into the mind of Egill than any other of his poems, showing him as an affectionate, sensitive, lonely ageing man, and not the ruffianly bully which he sometimes appears to be in the Saga." [[Turville-Petre, Gabriel. The Sonatorrek]] (p. 36).</ref> said he.

Egil had had another son named Gunnar, who had died a short time before.

So then Egil began the poem,<ref>'''Egill began the poem''': "While reading Egill’s poem on the loss of his sons, we are filled with admiration and wonder. Its light shines like the Northern Lights, the Aurora Borealis. It springs from a hidden source, its deep-glowing colours fanning out over the expanse of heaven, but displaying the grandeur of its radiance only in the twilight of the day." [[Bouman, Ari C. Egill Skallagrímsson‘s Poem Sonatorrek]] (p. 40).</ref> and this is the beginning.

SONA-TORREK (SONS' LOSS).

1. 
'Much doth it task me<ref>'''much doth it task me''': "Þyki ástæða til að vefengja að Egill hafi kveðið Sonatorrek, þá væri enginn maður líklegri til að hafa "sett sig í spor Egils" en Snorri Sturluson, svo framarlega sem hann hefir verið höfundur Egils sögu" [[Bjarni Einarsson. Skáldið í Reykjaholti]] (p. 39).</ref> 
My tongue to move,<ref>'''My tongue to move''': "Sonattorek itself opens with a complaint about the difficulty of it’s erection [...] and although there is no question of an overt sexual or marital meaning here, the wider system of tongue/sword/penis correspondences invites us to just such associations, which serve in turn to confirm our sense that this poem stems from a very point very far down gender scale – a point at which sword and penis have given away to the tongue, and even the tongue may not be up to the task" [[Clover, Carol J.. Regardless of sex]] (p. 16).</ref> 
Through my throat to utter 
The breath of song. 
Poesy, prize of Odin, 
Promise now I may not, 
A draught drawn not lightly 
From deep thought's dwelling.<ref>'''thought's dwelling''': "Thus there is made an analogy between drawing the "theft of Óðinn" from the breast and the mythic stealing of the mead. The use of fylgsni "hiding place" as the source of "Viðurs þýfi" suggests the myth in itself, but because fylgsni belongs to a larger unit "hugar fylgsni" this remains a subordinate, though intensifying, association". [[Stevens, John. The Mead of Poetry: Myth and Metaphor]] (p. ??).</ref>

2. 
'Forth it flows but hardly;<ref>'''flows but hardly''': "Það er eftirtektarvert, að Egill endurtekur í tveim fyrstu vísunum sömu hugsunina fimm sinnum með breyttum orðum. Slík þráhugsun er eitt af aðaleinkennum þungrar sorgar." [[Guðmundur Finnbogason. Um nokkrar vísur Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (p. 162).</ref> 
For within my breast 
Heaving sobbing stifles 
Hindered stream of song 
Blessed boon to mortals 
Brought from Odin's kin, 
Goodly treasure, stolen 
From Giant-land of yore.

3. 
'He, who so blameless 
Bore him in life, 
O'erborne by billows 
With boat was whelmed. 
Sea-wavesflood that whilom 
Welled from giant's wound 
Smite upon the grave-gate 
Of my sire and son.

4. 
'Dwindling now my kindred<ref>'''my kindred''': "ruft der alte Egil in v 4 aus: 'Mein geschlecht steht am ende wie die sturmgefällten baumäste', so liegt darin das zornige bekenntnis, dass Thorstein als trost und ersatz für die toten brüder völlig versagte und somit als sohn überhaupt nicht mehr für den vater in betracht kam." [[Niedner, Felix. Egils Sonatorrek]] (p. 221).</ref> 
Draw near to their end,<ref>'''near to their end''': "Sonatorrek er fyrsta íslenzka kvæðið og Egill fyrsti Íslendingurinn að því leyti, að hjá honum kemur fyrst skýrt fram sú sundurgreining sálarlífsins, sem skapaðist við flutning Íslendinga vestur um haf og varð skilyrði andlegra afreka þeirra, sem þeir unnu fram yfir Norðmenn." [[Sigurður Nordal. Átrúnaður Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (p. 164).</ref> 
Ev'n as forest-saplings.<ref>'''Ev'n as forest-saplings''': "Mjer hefur komið til hugar, að hjer ætti að lesa hilmir." [[Björn M. Ólsen. Um vísu í Sonatorreki]] (p. 134).</ref> 
Felled or tempest-strown. 
Not gay or gladsome 
Goes he who beareth 
Body of kinsman 
On funeral bier.

5. 
'Of father fallen 
First I may tell; 
Of much-loved mother 
Must mourn the loss. 
Sad store hath memory 
For minstrel skill, 
A wood to bloom leafy 
With words of song.

6. 
'Most woful the breach, 
Where the wave in-brake 
On the fenced hold 
Of my father's kin. 
Unfilled, as I wot, 
And open doth stand 
The gap of son rent 
By the greedy surge. 

7. 
'Me Ran, the sea-queen, 
Roughly hath shaken: 
I stand of beloved ones 
Stript and all bare. 
Cut hath the billow 
The cord of my kin, 
Strand of mine own<ref>'''strand of my own''': "Egill’s sense that an outrageous wrong has been committed against him personally, emphasised by ‘minnar ættar’ and ‘sjọlfum mér’, brings the desire for a counter attack: the same concern with justice and repayment which took such a positive form in Arinbjarnakviða here demands revenge" [[Larrington, Carolyne. Egill‘s longer Poems: Arinbjarnarkviða and Sonatorrek]] (p. 58).</ref>< twisting 
So stout and strong. 

8. 
'Sure, if sword could venge 
Such cruel wrong, 
Evil times would wait 
gir, ocean-god. 
That wind-giant's brother 
Were I strong to slay, 
'Gainst him and his sea-brood 
Battling would I go. 

9. 
'But I in no wise 
Boast, as I ween, 
Strength that may strive 
With the stout ships' Bane. 
For to eyes of all 
Easy now 'tis seen 
How the old man's lot 
Helpless is and lone.

10. 
'Me hath the main 
Of much bereaved; 
Dire is the tale, 
The deaths of kin: 
Since he the shelter 
And shield of my house 
Hied him from life 
To heaven's glad realm.

11. 
'Full surely I know, 
In my son was waxing 
The stuff and the strength 
Of a stout-limbed wight: 
Had he reached but ripeness 
To raise his shield, 
And Odin laid hand 
On his liegeman true.

12. 
'Willing he followed 
His father's word, 
Though all opposing 
Should thwart my rede: 
He in mine household 
Mine honour upheld, 
Of my power and rule 
The prop and the stay.

13. 
'Oft to my mind 
My loss doth come, 
How I brotherless bide 
Bereaved and lone. 
Thereon I bethink me, 
When thickens the fight 
Thereon with much searching 
My soul doth muse:

14. 
'Who staunch stands by me 
In stress of fight, 
Shoulder to shoulder, 
Side by side? 
Such want doth weaken 
In war's dread hour; 
Weak-winged I fly, 
Whom friends all fail.

15. 
'Son's place to his sire 
(Saith a proverb true) 
Another son born 
Alone can fill. 
Of kinsmen none 
(Though ne'er so kind) 
To brother can stand 
In brother's stead.

16. 
'O'er all our ice-fields, 
Our northern snows,<ref>'''Our northern snows''': "''elgjar'' getur með engu móti hjer táknað dýrið ''elgr'', heldur sama sem ''krap'', hálfbræddur snjór. ... ''Gálgi'' er trje, sem eitthvað er hengt á, þótt það sje haft í fornmálinu um það trje eitt, sem menn eru hengdir í. ''elgjar gálgi'' er þá sá ''gálgi'', sem snjór hangir á, og það verður Ísland". [[Halldór Kr. Friðriksson. Egils saga]] (p. 373).</ref> 
Few now I find 
Faithful and true. 
Dark deeds men love, 
Doom death to their kin, 
A brother's body 
Barter for gold.

17. 
'Unpleasing to me 
Our people's mood, 
Each seeking his own 
In selfish peace. 
To the happier bees' home 
Hath passed my son, 
My good wife's child 
To his glorious kin.

18. 
'Odin, mighty monarch, 
Of minstrel mead the lord, 
On me a heavy hand 
Harmful doth lay. 
Gloomy in unrest 
Ever I grieve, 
Sinks my drooping brow, 
Seat of sight and thought.

19. 
'Fierce fire of sickness 
First from my home 
Swept off a son 
With savage blow: 
One who was heedful, 
Harmless, I wot, 
In deeds unblemished, 
In words unblamed.

20. 
'Still do I mind me, 
When the Friend of men 
High uplifted 
To the home of gods 
That sapling stout 
Of his father's stem, 
Of my true wife born 
A branch so fair.

21. 
'Once bare I goodwill<ref>'''once bare I goodwill''': "Egill's profound poem also comprises ... a kind of ''minority report'', a set of mythological allusions with an undermining and unsettling effect. These references to a group of Odinic stories outside the Baldr complex but somehow related to it seem to undercut or even deconstruct the official mythology by concerning themselves with problems that are papered or denied in the central Baldr myths ... The major stories from this group will be immediately recalled by the names of their long-lived protagonists, all sacrificers or would-be-sacrifices of sons or near-kinsmen: King Aun, King Haraldr hilditǫnn, and Strakaðr the Old. I will argue that Egill takes on the persona of each in the course of his poem." [[Harris, Joseph. Sacrifice and Guilt in Sonatorrek]] (p. 174-75).</ref> 
To the great spear-lord, 
Him trusty and true 
I trowed for friend: 
Ere the giver of conquest, 
The car-borne god, 
Broke faith and friendship 
False in my need.

22. 
'Now victim and worship 
To Vilir's brother, 
The god once honoured, 
I give no more. 
Yet the friend of Mimir 
On me hath bestowed 
Some boot for bale, 
If all boons I tell.

23. 
'Yea he, the wolf-tamer, 
The war-god skilful, 
Gave poesy<ref>'''Gave poesy''': „Í næstefsta erindi Sonatorreks drepur Egill á tvær gjafir, sem hann hafði þegið að Óðni: „vammi firrða ''íþrótt''“ (skáldskapar) og „það geð er eg gerði mér vísa fjendur að vélöndum“. Þessi orð skáldsins gefa tilefni til ýmissa hugleiðinga um þær guðlegu gjafir, sem getið er annars staðar í fornum bókmenntum vorum“. [[Hermann Pálsson. Tveir þættir um Egils sögu]] (p. 80).</ref> faultless<ref>'''poesy faultless''': "niðurstaða þess [kvæðisins] er sú að í stóru böli, þegar ekki fæst hjálp leingur af máttarvöldum, þá sé athvarf í skáldskap." [[Halldór Laxness. Egill Skallagrímsson og sjónvarpið]] (p. 118).</ref> 
To fill my soul: 
Gave wit to know well 
Each wily trickster, 
And force him to face me 
As foeman in fight.

24. 
'Hard am I beset;<ref>'''Hard am I beset''': "Of this poem and others like it in the skaldic corpus it may be said that there are in fact two “topics,” an ostensible one, and the poet’s own perception of the ostensible one, and that the latter may on occasion so overshadow the former that it tends to become the poem’s main subject." [[Clover, Carol. Scaldic Sensibility]] (p. 65).</ref> 
Whom Hela, the sister 
Of Odin's fell captive, 
On Digra-ness waits. 
Yet shall I gladly 
With right good welcome<ref>'''good welcome''': "„Góður vilji“ er mjög upprunalegt hugtak í kristindómi, í senn guðfræðilegt og siðfræðilegt. [...] Skilyrði fyrir hjálpræði er að mennirnir séu með góðan vilja: blessun guðs er yfir manni sem hefur góðan vilja.; fyrir bragðið bíður hann „glaður og óhryggur“ hvers sem að höndum ber." [[Halldór Laxness. Nokkrir hnýsilegir staðir í fornkvæðum]] (p. 22).</ref> 
Dauntless in bearing 
Her death-blow bide.'.<ref>'''death-blow bide''': "Í ... niðurlagserindi Sonatorreks, vega salt, ef svo má segja, útsynningurinn og hinn heiðni boðskapur um kjark og lífsgleði – líkt og böl og bölva bætur í vísunum næst á undan. Þannig tekst skáldinu – í lok kvæðisins – „at létta upp pundaraskaptinu“." [[Ólafur M. Ólafsson. Sonatorrek]] (p. 187).</ref> 

Egil began to cheer up<ref>'''began to cheer up''': „Grief, [Egill] said, made it hard for him to write. Grief did not cause him to write, but he wrote despite grief. The two are opposed. By making his poem Egill conquered his grief: the gift of poesy was “high amends” for his loss, a “fault-free unfailing skill” through which he rendered himself able to meet his fate. The crystallization of emotional experience in an intellectual form enables the poet to transcend that experience.“ [[Bolton, W.F. The Old Icelandic Dróttkvætt]] (p. 284-85).</ref> as the composing of the poem<ref>'''composing of the poem''': "[T]he composer of Egils saga adopts a stronger interest in the poet’s production of verse in a personalised context than in his composition of court poetry for foreign rulers”.[[Clunies Ross, Margaret. The Skald Sagas as a Genre]] (p. 37).</ref> went on; and when the poem was complete,<ref>'''when the poem was complete''': "In the saga, as well as in Ibsen’s drama [''Hærmændene på Helgeland''], the inclusion of the poem is not purely ornamental: it is thanks to it indeed that the character-author re-engages in action and is able to contribute to the narration again." [[Ferrari, Fulvio. Attraverso gli specchi della riscrittura]] (p. 431).</ref> he brought it before Asgerdr and Thorgerdr and his family. He rose from his bed, and took his place in the high-seat. This poem he called 'Loss of Sons.' And now Egil had the funeral feast of his son held after ancient custom. But when Thorgerdr went home, Egil enriched her with good gifts.

Long time did Egil dwell at Borg, and became an old man. But it is not told that he had lawsuits with any here in the land; nor is there a word of single combats, or war and slaughter of his after he settled down here in Iceland. They say that Egil never went abroad out of Iceland after the events already related. And for this the main cause was that Egil might not be in Norway, by reason of the charges which (as has been told before) the kings there deemed they had against him. He kept house in munificent style, for there was no lack of money, and his disposition led him to munificence.
King Hacon, Athelstan's foster-son, long ruled over Norway; but in the latter part of his life Eric's sons came to Norway and strove with him for the kingdom; and they had battles together, wherein Hacon ever won the victory. The last battle was fought in Hordaland, on Stord-island, at Fitjar: there king Hacon won the victory, but also got his death-wound. After that Eric's sons took the kingdom in Norway.
Lord Arinbjorn was with Harold Eric's son, and was made his counsellor, and had of him great honours. He was commander of his forces and defender of the land. A great warrior was Arinbjorn, and a victorious. He was governor of the Firth folk. Egil Skallagrimsson heard these tidings of the change of kings in Norway, and therewith how Arinbjorn had returned to his estates in Norway, and was there in great honour. Then Egil composed a poem<ref>'''Egil composed a poem''': "Strophen [...], deren Echtheit mir ziemlich sicher erscheint[:] An erster Stelle die Strophen, die den Freund Arinbjǫrn preisen, namentlich Str. 27, die dieselbe Umschreibung des Namens erhält, wie die Arinbjarnarkviða [...]." [[Vries, Jan de. Altnordische Literaturgeschichte]] (p. 139).</ref> about Arinbjorn,<ref>'''poem about Arinbjorn''': "[V]ísurnar um Arinbjörn mynda hápunkt verksins. Það sem eftir lifir sögunnar er ekkert annað en nauðsynleg sögulok." [[Baldur Hafstað. Konungsmenn í kreppu og vinátta í Egils sögu]] (p. 97)</ref> whereof this is the beginning:<ref>'''this is the beginning''': "Arinbjarnarkviða stendur aðeins í Möðruvallabók. Það vekur grun um að sagan sé tilefni þessa kveðskapar, en kveðskapurinn ekki tilefni sögunnar eins og gjarnan er talið." [[Sveinbjörn Rafnsson. Sagnastef í íslenskri menningarsögu]] (p. 93).</ref>

ARINBJORN'S EPIC, OR A PART THEREOF.

1. 
'For generous prince 
Swift praise I find,<ref>'''Swift praise I find''': "Egil boasts
about […] being able to compose swiftly. Ease and swiftness, not least the originality of the artistic creation, are tokens of the high-rank poet. Egil’s stanza is never
[…] circumscribed or tendentially circular [… but] elastic and movable. The discourse
develops in a cascade from the thread of semantic- and sound-associations, while being
hastened by the enjambements and barely restrained by reservations and doubts. Egil’s
poems move in time, they let air filter in between [the verses] and display their previous
and later stage, their solutions and their premises." [[Koch, Ludovica. Gli scaldi]] (pp. 111-12).</ref> 
But stint my words 
To stingy churl. 
Openly sing I 
Of king's true deeds, 
But silence keep 
On slander's lies.

2. 
'For fabling braggarts 
Full am I of scorn, 
But willing speak I 
Of worthy friends: 
Courts I of monarchs<ref>'''courts I of monarchs''': "The general themes of the poem are addressed already in the first two verses: the nature of nobility, later exemplified by Arinbjọrn, consisting in generosity, ‘mildinga’ (generous lords) 2.6, and courage, ‘jọfurs dáðum’ (a lord’s great deeds) 1.6, and their opposites: ‘gløggvinga’ (misers) 1.4, and skrọkberọndum’ (lying boasters) 2.2." [[Larrington, Carolyne. Egill‘s longer Poems: Arinbjarnarkviða and Sonatorrek]] (p. 51).</ref> 
A many have sought, 
A gallant minstrel 
Of guileless mood.

3. 
'Erewhile the anger 
Of Yngling's son 
I bore, prince royal 
Of race divine. 
With hood of daring 
O'er dark locks drawn 
A lord right noble 
I rode to seek.

4. 
'There sate in might 
The monarch strong, 
With helm of terror 
High-throned and dread; 
A king unbending 
With bloody blade 
Within York city 
Wielded he power.

5. 
'That moon-like brightness 
Might none behold, 
Nor brook undaunted 
Great Eric's brow: 
As fiery serpent<ref>'''As fiery serpent''': „Í 5. vísu Arinbjarnarkviðu er nýgerving þar sem hinum ógnvænlegu augum Eiríks blóðaxar er lýst. Í Húsdrápu Úlfs Uggasonar, sem varðveitt er í Snorra-Eddu, birtist sama nýgerving“ [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (p. 21).</ref> 
His flashing eyes 
Shot starry radiance 
Stern and keen.

6. 
'Yet I to this ruler 
Of fishful seas 
My bolster-mate's ransom 
Made bold to bear, 
Of Odin's goblet 
O'erflowing dew 
Each listening ear-mouth 
Eagerly drank.

7. 
'Not beauteous in seeming 
My bardic fee 
To ranks of heroes 
In royal hall: 
When I my hood-knoll<ref>'''When I my hood-knoll''': "[Í þessari vísu] líkir Egill höfði sínu við staup sem hann þiggur fyrir mjöð Óðins. Þetta minnir á vísu Braga Boddasonar þar sem hann er eins og Egill að rifja upp þann atburð er hann þá höfuð sitt fyrir skáldskap." [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (p. 22).</ref> 
Wolf-gray of hue 
For mead of Odin 
From monarch gat.

8. 
'Thankful I took it, 
And therewithal 
The pit-holes black 
Of my beetling brows;<ref>'''Of my beetling brows''': "Arinbjarnarkviða staðfestir [hér] að Egill sé dökkhærður. Ófá eru þau íslensk skáld sem sögð eru dökkhærð, sbr. hið algenga skáldaviðurnefni „svarti“ ... Hefðin hefur gert skáldin dökk." [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (p. 26).</ref> 
Yea and that mouth 
That for me bare 
The poem of praise 
To princely knees.

9. 
'Tooth-fence took I, 
And tongue likewise, 
Ears' sounding chambers 
And sheltering eaves. 
And better deemed I 
Than brightest gold 
The gift then given 
By glorious king.

10. 
'There a staunch stay 
Stood by my side, 
One man worth many 
Of meaner wights, 
Mine own true friend 
Whom trusty I found, 
High-couraged ever 
In counsels bold.

11. 
'Arinbjorn 
Alone us saved 
Foremost of champions 
From fury of king; 
Friend of the monarch 
He framed no lies 
Within that palace 
Of warlike prince.

12. 
'Of the stay of our house 
Still spake he truth, 
(While much he honoured 
My hero-deeds) 
Of the son of Kveldulf, 
Whom fair-haired king 
Slew for a slander, 
But honoured slain.

13. 
'Wrong were it if he 
Who wrought me good, 
Gold-splender lavish, 
Such gifts had cast 
To the wasteful tract 
Of the wild sea-mew, 
To the surge rough-ridden 
By sea-kings' steeds.

14. 
'False to my friend 
Were I fairly called, 
An untrue steward 
Of Odin's cup; 
Of praise unworthy, 
Pledge-breaker vile, 
If I for such good 
Gave nought again.

15. 
'Now better seeth 
The bard to climb 
With feet poetic 
The frowning steep,<ref>'''the frowning steep''': "The startling image of poetry not as liquid but as leafy timber appears to be reinforced in the first helming of stanza 15 of Arinbjarnarkviða, where Egill says that Arinbjörn’s deeds can be “easily polished (or smoothed) by the voice-plane” (erum auðskæf/ ómunlokri)." [[Clover, Carol. Scaldic Sensibility]] (p. 76).</ref> 
And set forth open 
In sight of all 
The laud and honour 
Of high-born chief.

16. 
'Now shall my voice-plane 
Shape into song 
Virtues full many 
Of valiant friend. 
Ready on tongue 
Twofold they lie, 
Yea, threefold praises 
Of Thorir's son.

17. 
'First tell I forth 
What far is known, 
Openly bruited 
In ears of all; 
How generous of mood 
Men deem this lord, 
Bjorn of the hearth-fire 
The birchwood's bane.

18. 
'Folk bear witness 
With wond'ring praise, 
How to all guests 
Good gifts he gives: 
For Bjorn of the hearth-stone 
Is blest with store 
Freely and fully 
By Frey and Njord.

19. 
'To him, high scion 
Of Hroald's tree, 
Fulness of riches 
Flowing hath come; 
And friends ride thither 
In thronging crowd 
By all wide ways 
'Neath windy heaven.

20. 
'Above his ears 
Around his brow 
A coronal fair, 
As a king, he wore. 
Beloved of gods, 
Beloved of men, 
The warrior's friend, 
The weakling's aid.

21. 
'That mark he hitteth 
That most men miss; 
Though money they gather, 
This many lack: 
For few be the bounteous 
And far between, 
Nor easily shafted 
Are all men's spears.

22. 
'Out of the mansion 
Of Arinbjorn, 
When guested and rested 
In generous wise, 
None with hard jest, 
None with rude jeer, 
None with his axe-hand 
Ungifted hie.

23. 
'Hater of money 
Is he of the Firths, 
A foe to the gold-drops 
Of Draupnir born. 
. . . . .

24. 
'Rings he scatters, 
Riches he squanders, 
Of avarice thievish 
An enemy still. 
. . . . .

25. 
'Long course of life 
His lot hath been, 
By battles broken, 
Bereft of peace. 
. . . . .

26. 
'Early waked I,<ref>'''Early waked I''': "Aber durch das Exegi monumentum aere perennius der letzten V. [Vísa] stellt der Dichter sein eigenes Ich wieder als Hauptsache hin. Und das gilt schliesslich fuer den ganzen Rahmen der Arbj. [Arinbjarnarkviða]: das Mittelgewicht, um das alles kreist, ist eben doch Egils Ich, seine Dichtersittlichkeit." [[Vogt, Walther H.. Von Bragi zu Egil]] (p. 202).</ref> 
Word I gathered, 
Toiled each morning 
With speech-moulding tongue. 
A proud pile<ref>'''proud pile''': "[I]n the concluding stanza Egill returns to the idea of language as a signal tower, a beacon on a high sea-cliff like Beowulf’s arrow ... Now Egill had not read Horace’s “monumentum aere perennius”; in fact there is no reason to believe that Egill had read anyone who did not write in runes, but the fame of Arinbjörn is here made equivalent to a monument of stone. And it is hard not to think of the conjunction of stone monument, written language, and fame that we know from some of the Swedish runestones." [[Harris, Joseph. Romancing the Rune]] ('. 136-37).</ref> built I 
Of praise long-lasting 
To stand unbroken<ref>'''stand unbroken''': "Arinbjarnarkviða er endurminning skálds um stórfeinglega ævi, sem vitjar hans í elli, með ástríðufullum viðbrögðum við mönnum konúngum vinum og guðum; henni lýkur með erindi sem gerir tímasetníngar að aukaatriði eða réttara sagt lyftir yrkisefninu upp í eilífan tíma." [[Halldór Laxness. Egill Skallagrímsson og sjónvarpið]] (p. 120).</ref> 
In Bragi's town.' 

==References==

<references />

==Kafli 80==

'''Ólafur fékk Þorgerðar'''

Ólafur hét maður, son Höskulds Dala-Kollssonar og son Melkorku dóttur Mýrkjartans Írakonungs. Ólafur bjó í Hjarðarholti í Laxárdal vestur í Breiðafjarðardölum. Ólafur var stórauðigur að fé. Hann var þeirra manna fríðastur sýnum er þá voru á Íslandi. Hann var skörungur mikill.

Ólafur bað Þorgerðar dóttur Egils. Þorgerður var væn kona og kvenna mest, vitur og heldur skapstór en hversdaglega kyrrlát. Egill kunni öll deili á Ólafi og vissi að það gjaforð var göfugt og fyrir því var Þorgerður gift Ólafi. Fór hún til bús með honum í Hjarðarholt. Þeirra börn voru þau Kjartan, Þorbergur, Halldór, Steindór, Þuríður, Þorbjörg, Bergþóra. Hana átti Þórhallur goði Oddason. Þorbjörgu átti fyrr Ásgeir Knattarson en síðar Vermundur Þorgrímsson. Þuríði átti Guðmundur Sölmundarson. Voru þeirra synir Hallur og Víga-Barði.

Össur Eyvindarson bróðir Þórodds í Ölfusi fékk Beru dóttur Egils.

Böðvar son Egils var þá frumvaxta. Hann var hinn efnilegasti maður, fríður sýnum, mikill og sterkur svo sem verið hafði Egill eða Þórólfur á hans aldri. Egill unni honum mikið. Var Böðvar og elskur að honum.

Það var eitt sumar að skip var í Hvítá og var þar mikil kaupstefna. Hafði Egill þar keypt við margan og lét flytja heim á skipi. Fóru húskarlar og höfðu skip áttært er Egill átti. Það var þá eitt sinn að Böðvar beiddist að fara með þeim og þeir veittu honum það. Fór hann þá inn á Völlu með húskörlum. Þeir voru sex saman á áttæru skipi. Og er þeir skyldu út fara þá var flæðurin síð dags og er þeir urðu hennar að bíða þá fóru þeir um kveldið síð. Þá hljóp á útsynningur steinóði en þar gekk í móti útfallsstraumur. Gerði þá stórt á firðinum sem þar kann oft verða. Lauk þar svo að skipið kafði undir þeim og týndust þeir allir. En eftir um daginn skaut upp líkunum. Kom lík Böðvars inn í Einarsnes en sum komu fyrir sunnan fjörðinn og rak þangað skipið. Fannst það inn við Reykjarhamar.

Þann dag spurði Egill þessi tíðindi og þegar reið hann að leita líkanna. Hann fann rétt lík Böðvars. Tók hann það upp og setti í kné sér og reið með út í Digranes til haugs Skalla-Gríms.<ref>'''haugs Skalla-Gríms''': "Egill est responsable de la mort de son frère ainé. En plus, il refuse de donner à son père la compensation qui lui est destinée. Celui-ci décide de revenir après la mort pour se venger sur son fils cadet. Celui-ci fait pourtant de son mieux pour l’empêcher de revenir, mais il n’y arrive pas. Le fait qu’il place le cadavre de son fils noyé dans le tertre de son père indique qu’il pense que ce dernier a causé sa mort." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Thykir mér gódh sonareign í thér]] (s. ??).</ref> Hann lét þá opna hauginn og lagði Böðvar þar niður hjá Skalla-Grími. Var síðan aftur lokinn haugurinn og var eigi fyrr lokið en um dagsetursskeið. Eftir það reið Egill heim til Borgar og er hann kom heim þá gekk hann þegar til lokrekkju þeirrar er hann var vanur að sofa í. Hann lagðist niður og skaut fyrir loku. Engi þorði að krefja hann máls.

En svo er sagt, þá er þeir settu Böðvar niður, að Egill var búinn, hosan var strengd fast að beini. Hann hafði fustanskyrtil rauðan, þröngvan upphlutinn og lás að síðu. En það er sögn manna að hann þrútnaði svo að kyrtillinn rifnaði af honum og svo hosurnar.<ref>'''þrútinn af harmi''': "Í útgáfu Finns Jónssonar af sögunni frá 1924 og í útgáfu Sigurðar Nordals frá 1933 er þegar hér er komið sögunni minnt á lýsingu Völsunga sögu á harmi Sigurðar Fáfnisbana eftir viðræðu þeirra Brynhildar, þar sem þau höfðu játað hvort öðru ást sína um leið og þau viðurkenndiu að ekki gæti annað af henni leitt en hörmung og dauða." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Um fáein harmræn atriði í Völsunga sögu og Egils sögu.]] (s. 10).</ref>

En eftir um daginn lét Egill ekki upp lokrekkjuna. Hann hafði þá og engan mat né drykk. Lá hann þar þann dag og nóttina eftir. Engi maður þorði að mæla við hann.

En hinn þriðja morgun þegar er lýsti þá lét Ásgerður skjóta hesti undir mann, reið sá sem ákaflegast vestur í Hjarðarholt, og lét segja Þorgerði þessi tíðindi öll saman og var það um nónskeið er hann kom þar. Hann sagði og það með að Ásgerður hafði sent henni orð að koma sem fyrst suður til Borgar.

Þorgerður lét þegar söðla sér hest og fylgdu henni tveir menn. Riðu þau um kveldið og nóttina til þess er þau komu til Borgar. Gekk Þorgerður þegar inn í eldahús. Ásgerður heilsaði henni og spurði hvort þau hefðu náttverð etið.

Þorgerður segir hátt: „Engvan hefi eg náttverð haft og engan mun eg fyrr en að Freyju. Kann eg mér eigi betri ráð en faðir minn. Vil eg ekki lifa eftir föður minn og bróður.“

Hún gekk að lokhvílunni og kallaði: „Faðir, lúk upp hurðunni, vil eg að við förum eina leið bæði.“

Egill spretti frá lokunni. Gekk Þorgerður upp í hvílugólfið og lét loku fyrir hurðina. Lagðist hún niður í aðra rekkju er þar var.

Þá mælti Egill: „Vel gerðir þú dóttir er þú vilt fylgja föður þínum. Mikla ást hefir þú sýnt við mig. Hver von er að eg muni lifa vilja við harm þenna?“<ref>'''lifa vilja við harm þenna''': „Völu-Steinn og Egill heyja helstríð af harmi eftir syni sína […] Um áhrif Landnámu á Egils sögu […] mætti spyrja hvort það sé ekki einmitt frásögnin af Völu-Steini sem haft hefur áhrif á sköpun frásagnarinnar um harm Egils. Sonatorrek hefur þá orðið til í hrifnæmum huga þess sem þekkti til Ögmundardrápu" [[Baldur Hafstað. HSk, Landnáma og Egils saga]] (s. 32).</ref>

Síðan þögðu þau um hríð.

Þá mælti Egill: „Hvað er nú dóttir, tyggur þú nú nokkuð?“

„Tygg eg söl,“<ref>'''tygg eg söl''': "Hér er... líklegast fyrsta tilvitnun um sölvaát í fornsögum okkar, og má ætla að sú matarvenja hafi fluttst hingað með landnámsmönnum... [Söl voru] snar þáttur í fæðuöflun landsmanna, en þó var bundið landshlutum, hélst svo gegnum aldir, en fór minnkandi og lagðist alveg af í byrjun þessarar aldar." [[Sigurður Samúelsson. Sjúkdómar og dánarmein íslenskra fornmanna]] (s. 263).</ref> segir hún, „því að eg ætla að mér muni þá verra en áður. Ætla eg ella að eg muni of lengi lifa.“

„Er það illt manni?“ segir Egill.

„Allillt,“ segir hún, „viltu eta?“<ref>'''viltu eta''': "C'est ainsi qu'elle mâche des algues pour avoir une raison de faire apporter de l'eau. [...] Mais ce n'est pas uniquement de la mort physique qu'elle le sauve. Si on considère qu'Egill est chrétien, [...], elle est aussi en train de le sauver d'un péché qui menace son salut éternel: le désespoir." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Le statut théologique d‘Egill Skalla-Grímsson]] (s. 285).</ref>

„Hvað mun varða?“ segir hann.

En stundu síðar kallaði hún og bað gefa sér drekka. Síðan var henni gefið vatn að drekka.

Þá mælti Egill: „Slíkt gerir að er sölin etur, þyrstir æ þess að meir.“

„Viltu drekka faðir?“<ref>'''Viltu drekka faðir?''': „Ef Egils saga hefur verið sögð í gildi, þar sem þekkt var táknmál kristinna launhelga, skilst flest í dæminu. Mjólk er þá tákn um endurfæðingu Egils. Hann er að segja skiljið við óargadýrið, hann er að bjóða velkomið manneðlið, læknislistina og skáldskaparíþróttina“. [[Einar Pálsson. Bræður himins og Egils saga]] (s. 6).</ref> segir hún.

Hann tók við og svalg stórum og var það í dýrshorni.

Þá mælti Þorgerður: „Nú erum við vélt.<ref>'''Nú erum við vélt''': „Elle déclare mâcher des algues pour hâter son trépas. [...] Sa fille le calme en lui suggérant de composer une élégie á la mémoire de son fils. [...] Cet épisode unit le tragique et le comique, tout en témoignant d´une sagesse sur les sentiments les intimes du coeur humain.“ [[Torfi H. Tulinius. La saga d’Egill et l’histoire du roman]] (s. 150).</ref> Þetta er mjólk.“<ref>'''þetta er mjólk''': "Hafi Egill átt möguleika á eilífu lífi, þar sem hann var tekinn inn í samfélag kristinna manna með prímsigningunni, þá skipti máli að hann svelti sig ekki til bana, eins og hann ætlaði að gera eftir að eftirlætissonur hans Böðvar drukknaði í Borgarfirði. Þegar Þorgerður narraði Egil til að bergja af mjólkinni og stakk svo upp á því að hann semdi erfikvæði um son sinn, með þeirri afleiðingu að hann hætti við að deyja, var hún ekki aðeins að bjarga lífi hans heldur líka sál." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Hjálpræði frá Egilsdætrum]] (s. 69).</ref>

Þá beit Egill skarð úr horninu, allt það er tennur tóku, og kastaði horninu síðan.

Þá mælti Þorgerður: „Hvað skulum við nú til ráðs taka? Lokið er nú þessi ætlan. Nú vildi eg faðir að við lengdum líf okkart svo að þú mættir yrkja erfikvæði<ref>'''yrkja erfikvæði''': „Geðrænar truflanir eiga sér þar ávallt rökræn tildrög, og lýsingar á ytra atferli þeirra samræmast nánar þeim klinisku myndum sem þekktar eru í geðlæknisfræðinni nú á
dögum og gefa jafnframt vísbendingu um innra eðli þeirra [...]. Það er eftirtektarvert að [Þorgerður] viðhefur sams konar tilburði gagnvart Agli og nú á tímum þykja vænlegastir til árangurs í geðlækningum og eru í reyndinni forsenda þess að terapeutisk breyting eigi sér stað, þ.e. að sjúklingurinn losni við einkenni sín og verði aftur samur og jafn fyrir tilverknað meðferðarinnar” [[Jakob Jónasson. Aftur í aldir]] (s. 27-28).</ref> eftir Böðvar en eg mun rísta á kefli, en síðan deyjum við ef okkur sýnist. Seint ætla eg Þorstein son þinn yrkja kvæðið eftir Böðvar en það hlýðir eigi að hann sé eigi erfður því að eigi ætla eg okkur sitja að drykkjunni þeirri að hann er erfður.“

Egill segir að það var þá óvænt að hann mundi þá yrkja mega þótt hann leitaði við „en freista má eg þess,“<ref>'''freista má eg þess''': "the Sonatorrek [...] gives a clearer insight into the mind of Egill than any other of his poems, showing him as an affectionate, sensitive, lonely ageing man, and not the ruffianly bully which he sometimes appears to be in the Saga." [[Turville-Petre, Gabriel. The Sonatorrek]] (s. 36).</ref> segir hann.

Egill hafði þá átt son er Gunnar hét og hafði sá og andast litlu áður.

Og er þetta upphaf kvæðis:<ref>'''upphaf kvæðis''': "While reading Egill’s poem on the loss of his sons, we are filled with admiration and wonder. Its light shines like the Northern Lights, the Aurora Borealis. It springs from a hidden source, its deep-glowing colours fanning out over the expanse of heaven, but displaying the grandeur of its radiance only in the twilight of the day." [[Bouman, Ari C. Egill Skallagrímsson‘s Poem Sonatorrek]] (s. 40).</ref>

1. 
Mjök erum tregt<ref>'''mjök erum tregt''': "Þyki ástæða til að vefengja að Egill hafi kveðið Sonatorrek, þá væri enginn maður líklegri til að hafa "sett sig í spor Egils" en Snorri Sturluson, svo framarlega sem hann hefir verið höfundur Egils sögu." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Skáldið í Reykjaholti]] (s. 39).</ref> 
tungu að hræra<ref>'''tungu að hræra''': "Sonattorek itself opens with a complaint about the difficulty of it’s erection [...] and although there is no question of an overt sexual or marital meaning here, the wider system of tongue/sword/penis correspondences invites us to just such associations, which serve in turn to confirm our sense that this poem stems from a very point very far down gender scale – a point at which sword and penis have given away to the tongue, and even the tongue may not be up to the task" [[Clover, Carol J.. Regardless of sex]] (s. 16).</ref> 
eða loftvægi 
ljóðpundara. 
Era nú vænlegt 
um Viðris þýfi 
né hógdrægt 
úr hugar fylgsni.<ref>'''hugar fylgsni''': „Thus there is made an analogy between drawing the "theft of Óðinn" from the breast and the mythic stealing of the mead. The use of fylgsni "hiding place" as the source of "Viðurs þýfi" suggests the myth in itself, but because fylgsni belongs to a larger unit "hugar fylgsni" this remains a subordinate, though intensifying, association“. [[Stevens, John. The Mead of Poetry: Myth and Metaphor]] (s. ??).</ref>

2. 
Era andþeystr<ref>'''era andþeystr''': "Það er eftirtektarvert, að Egill endurtekur í tveim fyrstu vísunum sömu hugsunina fimm sinnum með breyttum orðum. Slík þráhugsun er eitt af aðaleinkennum þungrar sorgar." [[Guðmundur Finnbogason. Um nokkrar vísur Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (s. 162).</ref> 
því að ekki veldr 
höfuglegr, 
úr hyggju stað 
fagnafundr 
Þriggja niðja, 
ár borinn 
úr jötunheimum,

3. 
Lastalaus 
er lifnaði 
á Nökkvers 
nökkva bragi. 
Jötuns háls 
undir flota 
Náins niðr 
fyr naustdurum.

4. 
Því að ætt mín<ref>'''ætt mín''': "ruft der alte Egil in v 4 aus: 'Mein geschlecht steht am ende wie die sturmgefällten baumäste', so liegt darin das zornige bekenntnis, dass Thorstein als trost und ersatz für die toten brüder völlig versagte und somit als sohn überhaupt nicht mehr für den vater in betracht kam." [[Niedner, Felix. Egils Sonatorrek]] (S. 221).</ref> 
á enda stendr,<ref>'''á enda stendr''': "Sonatorrek er fyrsta íslenzka kvæðið og Egill fyrsti Íslendingurinn að því leyti, að hjá honum kemur fyrst skýrt fram sú sundurgreining sálarlífsins, sem skapaðist við flutning Íslendinga vestur um haf og varð skilyrði andlegra afreka þeirra, sem þeir unnu fram yfir Norðmenn." [[Sigurður Nordal. Átrúnaður Egils Skallagrímssonar]] (s. 164).</ref> 
sem hræbarnir 
hlynnar marka.<ref>'''hlynnar marka''': "Mjer hefur komið til hugar, að hjer ætti að lesa hilmir." [[Björn M. Ólsen. Um vísu í Sonatorreki]] (s. 134).</ref> 
Era karskr maðr 
sá er köggla ber 
frænda hrörs 
af fletjum niðr. 

5. 
Þó mun ég mitt 
og móður hrör 
föður fall 
fyrst um telja. 
Það ber ég út 
úr orðhofi 
mærðar timbur 
máli laufgað.

6. 
Grimmt varum hlið 
það er hrönn um braut 
föður míns 
á frændgarði. 
Veit ég ófullt 
og opið standa 
sonar skarð 
er mér sjár um vann.

7. 
Mjög hefr Rán 
ryskt um mig. 
Er ég ofsnauðr 
að ástvinum. 
Sleit mar bönd 
minnar ættar, 
... þátt 
af sjálfum mér.<ref>'''sjálfum mér''': "Egill’s sense that an outrageous wrong has been committed against him personally, emphasised by ‘minnar ættar’ and ‘sjọlfum mér’, brings the desire for a counter attack: the same concern with justice and repayment which took such a positive form in Arinbjarnakviða here demands revenge" [[Larrington, Carolyne. Egill‘s longer Poems: Arinbjarnarkviða and Sonatorrek]] (s. 58).</ref> 

8. 
Veistu um þá sök 
sverði of rækag, 
var ölsmiðr 
allra tíma. 
Hroða vogs bræðr, 
ef vega mættag, 
færi ég andvígr 
Ægis mani.

9. 
En ég ekki 
eiga þóttumst 
sakar afl 
við súðs bana 
því að alþjóð 
fyr augum verðr 
gamals þegns 
gengileysi.

10. 
Mig hefr mar 
miklu ræntan, 
grimmt er fall 
frænda að telja, 
síðan er minn 
á munvega 
ættar skjöldr 
aflífi hvarf.

11. 
Veit ég það sjálfr 
að í syni mínum 
vara ills þegns 
efni vaxið 
ef sá randviðr 
röskvask næði 
uns her-Gauts 
hendr of tæki.

12. 
Æ lét flest 
það er faðir mælti 
þótt öll þjóð 
annað segði, 
mér upp hélt 
of verbergi 
og mitt afl 
mest um studdi.

13. 
Oft kemr mér 
mána bjarnar 
í byrvind 
bræðraleysi. 
Hyggjumst um 
er hildr þróast, 
nýsumst hins 
og hygg að því

14. 
hver mér hugaðr 
á hlið standi 
annar þegn 
við óðræði. 
Þarf ég hans oft 
of hergjörum. 
Verð ég varfleygr, 
er vinir þverra.

15. 
Mjög er torfyndr 
sá er trúa knegum 
of alþjóð 
Elgjar gálga<ref>'''elgjar gálga''': "''elgjar'' getur með engu móti hjer táknað dýrið ''elgr'', heldur sama sem ''krap'', hálfbræddur snjór. ... ''Gálgi'' er trje, sem eitthvað er hengt á, þótt það sje haft í fornmálinu um það trje eitt, sem menn eru hengdir í. ''elgjar gálgi'' er þá sá ''gálgi'', sem snjór hangir á, og það verður Ísland". [[Halldór Kr. Friðriksson. Egils saga]] (s. 373).</ref> 
því að niflgóðr 
niðja steypir 
bróður hrör 
við baugum selur.

16. 
Finn ek það oft, 
er fjár beiðir ...

17. 
Það er og mælt 
að enginn geti 
sonar iðgjöld 
nema sjálfr ali túni 
þann nið 
er öðrum sé 
borinn maðr 
í bróður stað.

18. 
Erumka þokkt 
þjóða sinni 
þótt sérhver 
sátt um haldi. 
Bir er Bískips 
í bæ kominn, 
kvonar son, 
kynnis leita.

19. 
En mér fannst 
í föstum þokk 
hrosta hilmir 
á hendi stendr. 
Máka eg upp 
í aróar grímu, 
rýnisreið, 
réttri halda,

20. 
síð er son minn 
sóttar brími 
heiftuglegr 
úr heimi nam, 
þann eg veit 
að varnaði 
vamma var 
við námæli.

21. 
Það man ég enn 
er upp um hóf 
í goðheim 
Gauta spjalli 
ættar ask 
þann er óx af mér, 
og kynvið 
kvonar minnar.

22. 
Átti ég gott<ref>'''átti ég gott''': "Egill's profound poem also comprises ... a kind of ''minority report'', a set of mythological allusions with an undermining and unsettling effect. These references to a group of Odinic stories outside the Baldr complex but somehow related to it seem to undercut or even deconstruct the official mythology by concerning themselves with problems that are papered or denied in the central Baldr myths ... The major stories from this group will be immediately recalled by the names of their long-lived protagonists, all sacrificers or would-be-sacrifices of sons or near-kinsmen: King Aun, King Haraldr hilditǫnn, and Strakaðr the Old. I will argue that Egill takes on the persona of each in the course of his poem." [[Harris, Joseph. Sacrifice and Guilt in Sonatorrek]] (s. 174-75).</ref> 
við geira drottin. 
Gerðumst tryggr 
að trúa honum, 
áðr um að 
vagna runni, 
sigrhöfundr, 
um sleit við mig.

23. 
Blótka eg því 
bróður Vílis, 
goðs jaðar, 
að eg gjarn sék. 
Þó hefr Míms vinur 
mér um fengnar 
bölva bætr<ref>'''bölva bætr''': "niðurstaða þess [kvæðisins] er sú að í stóru böli, þegar ekki fæst hjálp leingur af máttarvöldum, þá sé athvarf í skáldskap." [[Halldór Laxness. Egill Skallagrímsson og sjónvarpið]] (s. 118).</ref> 
ef hið betra teldi.

24. 
Gafumst íþrótt<ref>'''Gafumst íþrótt''': „Í næstefsta erindi Sonatorreks drepur Egill á tvær gjafir, sem hann hafði þegið að Óðni: „vammi firrða ''íþrótt''“ (skáldskapar) og „það geð er eg gerði mér vísa fjendur að vélöndum“. Þessi orð skáldsins gefa tilefni til ýmissa hugleiðinga um þær guðlegu gjafir, sem getið er annars staðar í fornum bókmenntum vorum“. [[Hermann Pálsson. Tveir þættir um Egils sögu]] (s. 80).</ref> 
úlfs um bági 
vígi vanur 
vammi firrða 
og það geð 
er eg gerði mér 
vísa fjandr 
af vélöndum.

25. 
Nú er mér torvelt.<ref>'''Nú er mér torvelt''': "Of this poem and others like it in the skaldic corpus it may be said that there are in fact two “topics,” an ostensible one, and the poet’s own perception of the ostensible one, and that the latter may on occasion so overshadow the former that it tends to become the poem’s main subject." [[Clover, Carol. Scaldic Sensibility]] (s. 65)</ref> 
Tveggja bága 
njörva nift 
á nesi stendr. 
Skal eg þó glaður 
með góðan vilja<ref>'''með góðan vilja''': "„Góður vilji“ er mjög upprunalegt hugtak í kristindómi, í senn guðfræðilegt og siðfræðilegt. [...] Skilyrði fyrir hjálpræði er að mennirnir séu með góðan vilja: blessun guðs er yfir manni sem hefur góðan vilja.; fyrir bragðið bíður hann „glaður og óhryggur“ hvers sem að höndum ber." [[Halldór Laxness. Nokkrir hnýsilegir staðir í fornkvæðum]] (s. 22).</ref> 
og óhryggr 
heljar bíða.<ref>'''heljar bíða''': "Í ... niðurlagserindi Sonatorreks, vega salt, ef svo má segja, útsynningurinn og hinn heiðni boðskapur um kjark og lífsgleði – líkt og böl og bölva bætur í vísunum næst á undan. Þannig tekst skáldinu – í lok kvæðisins – „at létta upp pundaraskaptinu“." [[Ólafur M. Ólafsson. Sonatorrek]] (s. 187).</ref>

Egill tók að hressast<ref>'''tók að hressast''': „Grief, [Egill] said, made it hard for him to write. Grief did not cause him to write, but he wrote despite grief. The two are opposed. By making his poem Egill conquered his grief: the gift of poesy was “high amends” for his loss, a “fault-free unfailing skill” through which he rendered himself able to meet his fate. The crystallization of emotional experience in an intellectual form enables the poet to transcend that experience.“ [[Bolton, W.F. The Old Icelandic Dróttkvætt]] (s. 284-85).</ref> svo sem fram leið að yrkja kvæðið<ref>'''að yrkja kvæðið''': „[T]he composer of Egils saga adopts a stronger interest in the poet’s production of verse in a personalised context than in his composition of court poetry for foreign rulers”.[[Clunies Ross, Margaret. The Skald Sagas as a Genre]] (s. 37).</ref> og er lokið var kvæðinu<ref>'''er lokið var kvæðinu''': "In the saga, as well as in Ibsen’s drama [''Hærmændene på Helgeland''], the inclusion of the poem is not purely ornamental: it is thanks to it indeed that the character-author re-engages in action and is able to contribute to the narration again." [[Ferrari, Fulvio. Attraverso gli specchi della riscrittura]] (s. 431).</ref> þá færði hann það Ásgerði og Þorgerði og hjónum sínum. Reis hann þá upp úr rekkju og settist í öndvegi. Kvæði þetta kallaði hann Sonatorrek.<ref>'''torrek''': „Mjer þykir líklegt, að Egill hafi myndað orðið torrek við þetta tækifæri. Síðar hefur merking þess færzt nokkuð til, en þó á eðlilegan hátt (torsótt hefnd, torbætt tjón, þungbær missir)“ [[Árni Pálsson. Sonatorrek]] (s. 153).</ref> Síðan lét Egill erfa sonu sína eftir fornri siðvenju. En er Þorgerður fór heim þá leiddi Egill hana með gjöfum í brott.

Egill bjó að Borg langa ævi og varð maður gamall en ekki er getið að hann ætti málaferli við menn hér á landi. Ekki er og sagt frá hólmgöngum hans eða vígaferlum síðan er hann staðfestist hér á Íslandi.

Svo segja menn að Egill færi ekki í brott af Íslandi síðan er þetta var tíðinda er nú var áður frá sagt, og bar það mest til þess að Egill mátti ekki vera í Noregi af þeim sökum sem fyrr var frá sagt að konungar þóttust eiga við hann. Bú hafði hann rausnarsamlegt því að fé skorti eigi. Hann hafði og gott skaplyndi til þess.

Hákon konungur Aðalsteinsfóstri réð fyrir Noregi langa stund en hinn efra hlut ævi hans þá komu synir Eiríks til Noregs og deildu til ríkis í Noregi við Hákon konung og áttu þeir orustu saman og hafði Hákon jafnan sigur. Hina síðustu orustu áttu þeir á Hörðalandi, í Storð á Fitjum. Þar fékk Hákon konungur sigur og þar með banasár. Eftir það tóku þeir konungdóm í Noregi Eiríkssynir.

Arinbjörn hersir var með Haraldi Eiríkssyni og gerðist ráðgjafi hans og hafði af honum veislur stórlega miklar. Var hann forstjóri fyrir liði og landvörn. Arinbjörn var hermaður mikill og sigursæll. Hann hafði að veislum Fjarðafylki.

Egill Skalla-Grímsson spurði þessi tíðindi, að konungaskipti var orðið í Noregi, og það með að Arinbjörn var þá kominn í Noreg til búa sinna og hann var þá í virðing mikilli. Þá orti Egill kvæði<ref>'''orti Egill kvæði''': "Strophen [...], deren Echtheit mir ziemlich sicher erscheint[:] An erster Stelle die Strophen, die den Freund Arinbjǫrn preisen, namentlich Str. 27, die dieselbe Umschreibung des Namens erhält, wie die Arinbjarnarkviða [...]." [[Vries, Jan de. Altnordische Literaturgeschichte]] (s. 139).</ref> um Arinbjörn<ref>'''kvæði um Arinbjörn''': "[V]ísurnar um Arinbjörn mynda hápunkt verksins. Það sem eftir lifir sögunnar er ekkert annað en nauðsynleg sögulok." [[Baldur Hafstað. Konungsmenn í kreppu og vinátta í Egils sögu]] (s. 97)</ref> og er þetta upphaf að:<ref>'''upphaf að''': "Arinbjarnarkviða stendur aðeins í Möðruvallabók. Það vekur grun um að sagan sé tilefni þessa kveðskapar, en kveðskapurinn ekki tilefni sögunnar eins og gjarnan er talið." [[Sveinbjörn Rafnsson. Sagnastef í íslenskri menningarsögu]] (s. 93).</ref>

1. 
Emk hraðkvæðr<ref>'''Emk hraðkvæðr''': "Egil boasts
about […] being able to compose swiftly. Ease and swiftness, not least the originality of the artistic creation, are tokens of the high-rank poet. Egil’s stanza is never
[…] circumscribed or tendentially circular [… but] elastic and movable. The discourse
develops in a cascade from the thread of semantic- and sound-associations, while being
hastened by the enjambements and barely restrained by reservations and doubts. Egil’s
poems move in time, they let air filter in between [the verses] and display their previous
and later stage, their solutions and their premises." [[Koch, Ludovica. Gli scaldi]] (s. 111-12).</ref> 
hilmi at mæra, 
en glapmáll 
um glöggvinga, 
opinspjallr 
of jöfurs dáðum, 
en þagmælskr 
um þjóðlygi. 

2. 
skaupi gnægðr 
skrökberöndum, 
emk vilkvæðr 
um vini mína. 
sótt hefi eg mörg 
mildinga sjöt<ref>'''mildinga sjöt''': "The general themes of the poem are addressed already in the first two verses: the nature of nobility, later exemplified by Arinbjọrn, consisting in generosity, ‘mildinga’ (generous lords) 2.6, and courage, ‘jọfurs dáðum’ (a lord’s great deeds) 1.6, and their opposites: ‘gløggvinga’ (misers) 1.4, and skrọkberọndum’ (lying boasters) 2.2." [[Larrington, Carolyne. Egill‘s longer Poems: Arinbjarnarkviða and Sonatorrek]] (s. 51).</ref> 
með grunlaust 
grepps um æði. 

3. 
Hafði eg endr 
Ynglings burar, 
ríks konungs, 
reiði fengna; 
Dró eg djarfhött 
um dökkva skör, 
lét eg hersi 
heim um sóttan. 

4. 
þar er allvaldr 
und ægishjalmi, 
ljóðfrömuðr, 
að landi sat. 
Stýrir konungr 
við stirðan hug 
í Jórvík 
úrgum hjörvi. 

5. 
Vara það tunglskin 
tryggt að líta, 
né ógnlaust, 
Eiríks bráa; 
þá er ormfránn 
ennimáni <ref>'''ormfránn ennimáni''': „Í 5. vísu Arinbjarnarkviðu er nýgerving þar sem hinum ógnvænlegu augum Eiríks blóðaxar er lýst. Í Húsdrápu Úlfs Uggasonar, sem varðveitt er í Snorra-Eddu, birtist sama nýgerving“ [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (s. 21).</ref> 
skein allvalds 
ægigeislum. 

6. Þó eg bólstrverð 
um bera þorði 
maka hængs 
markar dróttni, 
svo að Yggs full 
ýranda kom 
að hvers manns 
hlusta munnum. 

7. Né hamfagrt 
hölðum þótti 
skaldfé mitt 
að skata húsum, 
þá er ulfgrátt 
við Yggjar miði 
hattar staup<ref>'''hattar staup''': "[Í þessari vísu] líkir Egill höfði sínu við staup sem hann þiggur fyrir mjöð Óðins. Þetta minnir á vísu Braga Boddasonar þar sem hann er eins og Egill að rifja upp þann atburð er hann þá höfuð sitt fyrir skáldskap." [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (s. 22).</ref> <ref>'''hattar staup''': "Men ordet kan också betyda ‘stop, dryckesbägare’. Följaktigen: Egill utskänker skaldemjödet ur huvudets stop och får i gengäld behålla detta stop! Det är en sinnrik tolkning, som förefaller att harmoniera ganska väl med de norröna skaldernas sinne för det komplicerade och dubbelbottnade... [[Hallberg, Peter. Den fornisländska poesien]] (s. 112).</ref> <ref>
at hilmi þák. 

8. Við því tók, 
en tiru fylgðu 
sökk svartleit 
síðra brúna<ref>'''svartleit síðra brúna''': "Arinbjarnarkviða staðfestir [hér] að Egill sé dökkhærður. Ófá eru þau íslensk skáld sem sögð eru dökkhærð, sbr. hið algenga skáldaviðurnefni „svarti“ ... Hefðin hefur gert skáldin dökk." [[Baldur Hafstað. Er Arinbjarnarkviða ungt kvæði?]] (s. 26).</ref> 
ok sá munnr, 
er mína bar 
höfuðlausn 
fyr hilmis kné. 

9. Þar er tannfjöld 
með tungu þák 
ok hlertjöld 
hlustum göfguð 
en sú gjöf 
gulli betri 
hróðugs konungs 
um heitin var. 

10. Þar stóð mér;<ref>'''Þar stóð mér''': [The first ten stanzas of Arinbjarnarkviða] "are in fact once again not at all about the ostensible topic, but about Egill’s own bravura Höfuðlausn performance." [[Clover, Carol. Scaldic Sensibility]] (s. 66).</ref> 
mörgum betri 
hoddfinnendum 
á hlið aðra 
tryggr vinr minn, 
sá er trúa knáttag, 
heiðþróaðr, 
hverju ráði. 

11. Arinbjörn, 
er oss einn um hóf, 
knía fremstr, 
frá konungs fjónum, 
vin þjóðans, 
er vætki laug 
í herskás 
hilmis garði. 

12. Ok . . . 
. . . stuðli lét 
margframaðr 
minna dáða, 
sem en . . . að . . . 
. . . Halfdanar 
að í væri 
ættar skaði. 

13. Mun eg vinþjófr 
verða heitinn 
ok váljúgt 
at Viðris fulli, 
hróðrs örverðr 
ok heitrofi, 
nema þess gagns 
gjöld um vinnag. 

14. Nú er það sét, 
hvar er setja skal 
bragar fótum 
brattstiginn 
fyr mannfjöld, 
margra sjónir, 
hróðr máttigs 
hersa kundar. 

15. Nú erumk auðskæf 
ómunlokri 
magar Þóris 
mærðar efni, 
vinar míns, 
því að valið liggja 
tvenn ok þrenn 
á tungu mér. 

16. Það tel eg fyrst, 
er flestr um veit 
og alþjóð 
eyrun sækir, 
hvé mildgeðr 
mönnum þótti 
bjóða björn 
birkis ótta.

17. Það allsheri 
at undri gefst, 
hvé hann urþjóð 
auði gnægir, 
en grjótbjörn 
um gæddan hefr 
Freyr ok Njörðr 
af fjár afli.

18. En Hróalds 
á höfuðbaðmi 
auðs iðgnótt 
að ölnum sifjar, 
sé . . . 
af vegum öllum 
á vindkers 
víðum botni. 

19. 
Hann drógseil 
um eiga gat 
sem hildingr 
heyrnar spanna, 
goðum ávarðr 
með gumna fjöld, 
vinr véþorms, 
veklinga tæs. 

20. 
Það hann vinnr, 
er þrjóta mun 
flesta menn, 
þótt fé eigi. 
Kveðka eg skammt 
meðal skata húsa 
né auðskeft 
almanna spjör. 

21. Gekk maðr engi 
að Arinbjarnar 
úr legvers 
löngum knerri 
háði leiddr 
né heiftkviðum 
með atgeirs 
auðar toftir. 

22. Hinn er fégrimmr, 
er í Fjörðum býr, 
sá eg um dólgr 
Draupnis niðja, 
en sökunautr 
Sónar hvinna, 
hringum . . . 
hoddvegandi. 

23. Hann aldrteig 
um eiga gat 
fjölsáinn 
með friðar spjöllum 
. . . 

24. Það er órétt, 
ef orpið hefr 
á máskeið 
mörgu gagni, 
rammriðin 
Rökkva stóði, 
vellvönuðr, 
því er veitti mér. 

25. Vask árvakr,<ref>'''Vask árvakr''': "Aber durch das Exegi monumentum aere perennius der letzten V. [Vísa] stellt der Dichter sein eigenes Ich wieder als Hauptsache hin. Und das gilt schliesslich fuer den ganzen Rahmen der Arbj. [Arinbjarnarkviða]: das Mittelgewicht, um das alles kreist, ist eben doch Egils Ich, seine Dichtersittlichkeit." [[Vogt, Walther H.. Von Bragi zu Egil]] (s. 202).</ref> 
bark orð saman 
með málþjóns 
morgunverkum, 
hlóð eg lofköst<ref>'''hlóð eg lofköst''': "[I]n the concluding stanza Egill returns to the idea of language as a signal tower, a beacon on a high sea-cliff like Beowulf’s arrow ... Now Egill had not read Horace’s “monumentum aere perennius”; in fact there is no reason to believe that Egill had read anyone who did not write in runes, but the fame of Arinbjörn is here made equivalent to a monument of stone. And it is hard not to think of the conjunction of stone monument, written language, and fame that we know from some of the Swedish runestones." [[Harris, Joseph. Romancing the Rune]] (s. 136-37).</ref> 
þann er lengi stendr 
óbrotgjarn<ref>'''óbrotgjarn''': "Arinbjarnarkviða er endurminning skálds um stórfeinglega ævi, sem vitjar hans í elli, með ástríðufullum viðbrögðum við mönnum konúngum vinum og guðum; henni lýkur með erindi sem gerir tímasetníngar að aukaatriði eða réttara sagt lyftir yrkisefninu upp í eilífan tíma." [[Halldór Laxness. Egill Skallagrímsson og sjónvarpið]] (s. 120).</ref> 
í bragar túni. 

==Tilvísanir==

<references />
==Links==

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga. Efnisyfirlit]]
[[Category:All entries]]

Hallberg, Peter. Den fornisländska poesien

2015-11-14T23:05:14Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Hallberg, Peter
* '''Title''': Egil Skalla-Grimsson
* '''Published in''': ''Den fornisländska poesien''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Stockholm: Svenska bokförlaget
* '''Year''': 1962
* '''Pages''': 103-121
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Hallberg, Peter. "Egil Skalla-Grimsson." ''Den Fornisländska Poesien.'' Stockholm: Svenska Bokförlaget, 1962. 103-121.

----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

In his article, Hallberg describes Egil Skallagrimsson’s exquisite skills as a poet. He analyzes stanzas of different poems and shows how Egill uses various skaldic metres and kennings to create poems that impressed both friends and enemies. Hallberg shows how some of Egil’s kennings could have a double meaning, and in this way challenge the listener’s intellect.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

* Danish translation: Hallberg, Peter. "Egil Skallagrimsson." ''Den norrøne digtning''. Transl. Claus Lund. København: Gyldendal, 1982, pp. 125-44.

==References==

[[Egla,_80|Chapter 80]]: '''hattar staup brukar vanligen tolkas som ‘hattens klump:''' "Men ordet kan också betyda ‘stop, dryckesbägare’. Följaktigen: Egill utskänker skaldemjödet ur huvudets stop och får i gengäld behålla detta stop! Det är en sinnrik tolkning, som förefaller att harmoniera ganska väl med de norröna skaldernas sinne för det komplicerade och dubbelbottnade..." (p. 112)

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Susanne Frantzen
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Liepe, Lena. The Knight and the Dragon Slayer.

2015-11-14T23:02:05Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Liepe, Lena
* '''Title''': The Knight and the Dragon Slayer: Illuminations in a Fourteenth century Saga Manuscript
* '''Place, Publisher''': Trondheim
* '''Year''': 2008
* '''Pages''': 179-199
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Lena, Liepe. "The Knight and the Dragon Slayer. Illuminations in a Fourteenth Century Saga Manuscript." ''Ornament and Order. Essays on Viking and Medieval Art for Signe Horn Fuglesang.'' Ed. Margarethe C. Stang and Kristin B. Aavitsland. Trondheim, 2008. 179–199.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The article is an examination of two historiated and one inhabited initials in ''Njáls saga'' manuscript AM 133 fol., ''Kálfalækjarbók'', from the textual and iconographical perspective with an analysis of Christian, chivalric and pre-medieval pictorial traditions in these illuminations. By observing the correlation between these illuminations and their connection to Augustine doctrine along with pre-Christian Scandinavian mindset Liepe discovers an extra layer of significance: cultural transition in Medieval Iceland. Although these illuminations seem to represent utterly Christian concepts like wisdom and courage fight against evil, charity and forgiveness virtues, chivalric aspect; their iconography is connected to a common imagery established in Viking Age such as Sigurðr renderings, symbolic representation of power and “deceased warriors riding to the battlefields of Valhalla.”
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Daria Segal
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Liepe, Lena. The Knight and the Dragon Slayer.

2015-11-14T23:01:50Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Liepe, Lena
* '''Title''': The Knight and the Dragon Slayer: Illuminations in a Fourteenth century Saga Manuscript
* '''Place, Publisher''': Trondheim
* '''Year''': 2008
* '''Pages''': 179-199
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Lena, Liepe. "The Knight and the Dragon Slayer. Illuminations in a Fourteenth Century Saga Manuscript." Ornament and Order. Essays on Viking and Medieval Art for Signe Horn Fuglesang. Ed. Margarethe C. Stang and Kristin B. Aavitsland. Trondheim, 2008. 179–199.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The article is an examination of two historiated and one inhabited initials in ''Njáls saga'' manuscript AM 133 fol., ''Kálfalækjarbók'', from the textual and iconographical perspective with an analysis of Christian, chivalric and pre-medieval pictorial traditions in these illuminations. By observing the correlation between these illuminations and their connection to Augustine doctrine along with pre-Christian Scandinavian mindset Liepe discovers an extra layer of significance: cultural transition in Medieval Iceland. Although these illuminations seem to represent utterly Christian concepts like wisdom and courage fight against evil, charity and forgiveness virtues, chivalric aspect; their iconography is connected to a common imagery established in Viking Age such as Sigurðr renderings, symbolic representation of power and “deceased warriors riding to the battlefields of Valhalla.”
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Daria Segal
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Liepe, Lena. The Knight and the Dragon Slayer.

2015-11-14T23:01:34Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Liepe, Lena
* '''Title''': The Knight and the Dragon Slayer: Illuminations in a Fourteenth century Saga Manuscript
* '''Place, Publisher''': Trondheim
* '''Year''': 2008
* '''Pages''': 179-199
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': ''Lena, Liepe. "The Knight and the Dragon Slayer. Illuminations in a Fourteenth Century Saga Manuscript." Ornament and Order. Essays on Viking and Medieval Art for Signe Horn Fuglesang. Ed. Margarethe C. Stang and Kristin B. Aavitsland. Trondheim, 2008. 179–199.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The article is an examination of two historiated and one inhabited initials in ''Njáls saga'' manuscript AM 133 fol., ''Kálfalækjarbók'', from the textual and iconographical perspective with an analysis of Christian, chivalric and pre-medieval pictorial traditions in these illuminations. By observing the correlation between these illuminations and their connection to Augustine doctrine along with pre-Christian Scandinavian mindset Liepe discovers an extra layer of significance: cultural transition in Medieval Iceland. Although these illuminations seem to represent utterly Christian concepts like wisdom and courage fight against evil, charity and forgiveness virtues, chivalric aspect; their iconography is connected to a common imagery established in Viking Age such as Sigurðr renderings, symbolic representation of power and “deceased warriors riding to the battlefields of Valhalla.”
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Daria Segal
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Liepe, Lena. The Knight and the Dragon Slayer.

2015-11-14T23:01:18Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Liepe, Lena
* '''Title''': The Knight and the Dragon Slayer: Illuminations in a Fourteenth century Saga Manuscript
* '''Place, Publisher''': Trondheim
* '''Year''': 2008
* '''Pages''': 179-199
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': ''Lena, Liepe. "The Knight and the Dragon Slayer. Illuminations in a Fourteenth Century Saga Manuscript." ''Ornament and Order. Essays on Viking and Medieval Art for Signe Horn Fuglesang.'' Ed. Margarethe C. Stang and Kristin B. Aavitsland. Trondheim, 2008. 179–199.
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The article is an examination of two historiated and one inhabited initials in ''Njáls saga'' manuscript AM 133 fol., ''Kálfalækjarbók'', from the textual and iconographical perspective with an analysis of Christian, chivalric and pre-medieval pictorial traditions in these illuminations. By observing the correlation between these illuminations and their connection to Augustine doctrine along with pre-Christian Scandinavian mindset Liepe discovers an extra layer of significance: cultural transition in Medieval Iceland. Although these illuminations seem to represent utterly Christian concepts like wisdom and courage fight against evil, charity and forgiveness virtues, chivalric aspect; their iconography is connected to a common imagery established in Viking Age such as Sigurðr renderings, symbolic representation of power and “deceased warriors riding to the battlefields of Valhalla.”
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Daria Segal
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Liepe, Lena. The Knight and the Dragon Slayer.

2015-11-14T23:00:29Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Liepe, Lena
* '''Title''': The Knight and the Dragon Slayer: Illuminations in a Fourteenth century Saga Manuscript
* '''Place, Publisher''': Trondheim
* '''Year''': 2008
* '''Pages''': 179-199
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': ''Lena, Liepe. "The Knight and the Dragon Slayer. Illuminations in a Fourteenth Century Saga Manuscript." Ornament and Order. Essays on Viking and Medieval Art for Signe Horn Fuglesang. Ed. Margarethe C. Stang and Kristin B. Aavitsland. Trondheim, 2008. 179–199.''
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The article is an examination of two historiated and one inhabited initials in ''Njáls saga'' manuscript AM 133 fol., ''Kálfalækjarbók'', from the textual and iconographical perspective with an analysis of Christian, chivalric and pre-medieval pictorial traditions in these illuminations. By observing the correlation between these illuminations and their connection to Augustine doctrine along with pre-Christian Scandinavian mindset Liepe discovers an extra layer of significance: cultural transition in Medieval Iceland. Although these illuminations seem to represent utterly Christian concepts like wisdom and courage fight against evil, charity and forgiveness virtues, chivalric aspect; their iconography is connected to a common imagery established in Viking Age such as Sigurðr renderings, symbolic representation of power and “deceased warriors riding to the battlefields of Valhalla.”
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Daria Segal
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Liepe, Lena. The Knight and the Dragon Slayer.

2015-11-14T23:00:01Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Liepe, Lena
* '''Title''': The Knight and the Dragon Slayer: Illuminations in a Fourteenth century Saga Manuscript
* '''Place, Publisher''': Trondheim
* '''Year''': 2008
* '''Pages''': 179-199
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': ''Lena, Liepe. "The Knight and the Dragon Slayer. Illuminations in a Fourteenth Century Saga Manuscript." Ornament and Order. Essays on Viking and Medieval Art for Signe Horn Fuglesang. Ed. Margarethe C. Stang and Kristin B. Aavitsland. Trondheim, 2008. 179–199.''
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The article is an examination of two historiated and one inhabited initials in Njáls saga manuscript AM 133 fol., Kálfalækjarbók, from the textual and iconographical perspective with an analysis of Christian, chivalric and pre-medieval pictorial traditions in these illuminations. By observing the correlation between these illuminations and their connection to Augustine doctrine along with pre-Christian Scandinavian mindset Liepe discovers an extra layer of significance: cultural transition in Medieval Iceland. Although these illuminations seem to represent utterly Christian concepts like wisdom and courage fight against evil, charity and forgiveness virtues, chivalric aspect; their iconography is connected to a common imagery established in Viking Age such as Sigurðr renderings, symbolic representation of power and “deceased warriors riding to the battlefields of Valhalla.”
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Daria Segal
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Hallberg, Peter. Den fornisländska poesien

2015-11-14T22:58:34Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Hallberg, Peter
* '''Title''': Egil Skalla-Grimsson
* '''Published in''': ''Den fornisländska poesien''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Stockholm: Svenska bokförlaget
* '''Year''': 1962
* '''Pages''': 103-121
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Hallberg, Peter. "Egil Skalla-Grimsson." ''Den Fornisländska Poesien.'' Stockholm: Svenska Bokförlaget, 1962. 103-121.

----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

In his article, Hallberg describes Egil Skallagrimsson’s exquisite skills as a poet. He analyzes stanzas of different poems and shows how Egill uses various skaldic metres and kennings to create poems that impressed both friends and enemies. Hallberg shows how some of Egil’s kennings could have a double meaning, and in this way challenge the listener’s intellect.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

* Danish translation: Hallberg, Peter. "Egil Skallagrimsson." ''Den norrøne digtning''. Transl. Claus Lund. København: Gyldendal, 1982, pp. 125-44.

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:'' Susanne Frantzen
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Hallberg, Peter. Den fornisländska poesien

2015-11-14T22:58:13Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Hallberg, Peter
* '''Title''': Egil Skalla-Grimsson
* '''Published in''': ''Den fornisländska poesien''
* '''Place, Publisher''': Stockholm: Svenska bokförlaget
* '''Year''': 1962
* '''Pages''': 103-121
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': Hallberg, Peter. "Egil Skalla-Grimsson." ''Den Fornisländska Poesien.'' Stockholm: Svenska Bokförlaget, 1962. 103-121.

----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

In his article, Hallberg describes Egil Skallagrimsson’s exquisite skills as a poet. He analyzes stanzas of different poems and shows how Egill uses various skaldic metres and kennings to create poems that impressed both friends and enemies. Hallberg shows how some of Egil’s kennings could have a double meaning, and in this way challenge the listener’s intellect.

==Lýsing==

==See also==

* Danish translation: Hallberg, Peter. "Egil Skallagrimsson." ''Den norrøne digtning''. Transl. Claus Lund. København: Gyldendal, 1982, pp. 125-44.

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:''Susanne Frantzen
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Egils saga]][[Category:Egils saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Liepe, Lena. The Knight and the Dragon Slayer.

2015-11-14T22:50:25Z

Beth Rogers:

* '''Author''': Liepe, Lena
* '''Title''': The Knight and the Dragon Slayer: Illuminations in a Fourteenth century Saga Manuscript
* '''Place, Publisher''': Trondheim
* '''Year''': 2008
* '''Pages''': 179-199
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': ''Lena, Liepe. "The Knight and the Dragon Slayer. Illuminations in a Fourteenth Century Saga Manuscript." Ornament and Order. Essays on Viking and Medieval Art for Signe Horn Fuglesang. Ed. Margarethe C. Stang and Kristin B. Aavitsland. Trondheim, 2008. 179–199.''
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The article is an examination of two historiated and one inhabited initials in Njáls saga manuscript AM 133 fol., Kálfalækjarbók, from the textual and iconographical perspective with an analysis of Christian, chivalric and pre-medieval pictorial traditions in these illuminations. By observing the correlation between these illuminations and their connection to Augustine doctrine along with pre-Christian Scandinavian mindset Liepe discovers an extra layer of significance: cultural transition in Medieval Iceland. Although these illuminations seem to represent utterly Christian concepts like wisdom and courage fight against evil, charity and forgiveness virtues, chivalric aspect; their iconography is connected to a common imagery established in Viking Age such as Sigurðr renderings, symbolic representation of power and “deceased warriors riding to the battlefields of Valhalla.”
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:''
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]

Liepe, Lena. The Knight and the Dragon Slayer.

2015-11-14T22:49:23Z

Beth Rogers: Created page with "* '''Author''': Liepe, Lena * '''Title''': The Knight and the Dragon Slayer: Illuminations in a Fourteenth century Saga Manuscript * '''Place, Publisher''': * '''Year''': 2008 * ..."

* '''Author''': Liepe, Lena
* '''Title''': The Knight and the Dragon Slayer: Illuminations in a Fourteenth century Saga Manuscript
* '''Place, Publisher''':
* '''Year''': 2008
* '''Pages''': 179-199
* '''E-text''':
* '''Reference''': ''Lena, Liepe. "The Knight and the Dragon Slayer. Illuminations in a Fourteenth Century Saga Manuscript." Ornament and Order. Essays on Viking and Medieval Art for Signe Horn Fuglesang. Ed. Margarethe C. Stang and Kristin B. Aavitsland. Trondheim, 2008. 179–199.''
----
* '''Key words''':

==Annotation==

The article is an examination of two historiated and one inhabited initials in Njáls saga manuscript AM 133 fol., Kálfalækjarbók, from the textual and iconographical perspective with an analysis of Christian, chivalric and pre-medieval pictorial traditions in these illuminations. By observing the correlation between these illuminations and their connection to Augustine doctrine along with pre-Christian Scandinavian mindset Liepe discovers an extra layer of significance: cultural transition in Medieval Iceland. Although these illuminations seem to represent utterly Christian concepts like wisdom and courage fight against evil, charity and forgiveness virtues, chivalric aspect; their iconography is connected to a common imagery established in Viking Age such as Sigurðr renderings, symbolic representation of power and “deceased warriors riding to the battlefields of Valhalla.”
==Lýsing==

==See also==

==References==

==Links==

* ''Written by:''
* ''Icelandic/English translation:''

[[Category:Njáls saga]][[Category:Njáls saga:_Articles]][[Category:Authors]][[Category:All entries]]