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Northumbria's humbled soil.'<br>
Northumbria's humbled soil.'<br>


After this they sent messengers to king Olaf, giving out this as their errand, that king Athelstan would fain enhazel him a field<ref>'''enhazel him a field''': "Hann er að karpa við húskarlana, sem vilja sofa út á morgnana." [[Ashdown, Margaret. The single combat]] (p. 122).</ref> and offer battle<ref>'''offer battle''': "The Battle of Vinheid in ESS is usually identified with the Battle of Brunanburh, which was fought at an unknown place in 937, but such an identification makes a complete mess of the chronology of ESS, once again suggesting that the saga is not history but fiction." [[Hermann Pálsson. The Borg Connexion]] (p. 55).</ref> on Vin-heath by Vin-wood;<ref>'''Vin-heath<ref>''' Vin-heath ''': "þá virðist mér það mjög vafasamt að ''Vinheiðr'' geti verið þýðing á ''Wendun'' (''e''). [...] Annað fornenskt örnefni liggur miklu nær ''Vinheiði'' en ''Wendun'' (''e''), og það er “''Uinuaed''”, " [[Jón Jónsson. Uinuaed]] (s. 95).</ref> by Vin-wood''': "Already in the seventeenth century, scholars saw that the historical foundation of the battle of Vínheiðr, described in [verses 16 to 22 of] Egils saga, must be the battle of Brunanburh".[[Campbell, Alistair. Skaldic Verse and the Anglo-Saxon Historian]] (p. 5).</ref> meanwhile he would have them forbear to harry his land; but of the twain he should rule England who should conquer in the battle. He appointed a week hence for the conflict, and whichever first came on the ground should wait a week for the other. Now this was then the custom, that so soon as a king had enhazelled a field, it was a shameful act to harry before the battle was ended. Accordingly king Olaf halted and harried not, but waited till the appointed day, when he moved his army to Vin-heath.
After this they sent messengers to king Olaf, giving out this as their errand, that king Athelstan would fain enhazel him a field<ref>'''enhazel him a field''': "Hann er að karpa við húskarlana, sem vilja sofa út á morgnana." [[Ashdown, Margaret. The single combat]] (p. 122).</ref> and offer battle<ref>'''offer battle''': "The Battle of Vinheid in ESS is usually identified with the Battle of Brunanburh, which was fought at an unknown place in 937, but such an identification makes a complete mess of the chronology of ESS, once again suggesting that the saga is not history but fiction." [[Hermann Pálsson. The Borg Connexion]] (p. 55).</ref> on Vin-heath by Vin-wood;<ref>'''Vin-heath by Vin-wood''': "Already in the seventeenth century, scholars saw that the historical foundation of the battle of Vínheiðr, described in [verses 16 to 22 of] Egils saga, must be the battle of Brunanburh".[[Campbell, Alistair. Skaldic Verse and the Anglo-Saxon Historian]] (p. 5).</ref> meanwhile he would have them forbear to harry his land; but of the twain he should rule England who should conquer in the battle. He appointed a week hence for the conflict, and whichever first came on the ground should wait a week for the other. Now this was then the custom, that so soon as a king had enhazelled a field, it was a shameful act to harry before the battle was ended. Accordingly king Olaf halted and harried not, but waited till the appointed day, when he moved his army to Vin-heath.


North of the heath stood a town.<ref>'''North of the heath stood a town''': "it is evident that Egils Saga must be treated with the greatest caution and that none of its statements relative to the battle on Vinheithr must be taken as true of the battle of Brunanburh unless they are confirmed by independent sources.  This is equivalent to saying that it must be regarded as contributing nothing to the subject, until it is corroborated by new material". [[Campbell, Alistair. The Battle of Brunanburh]] (p. 78).</ref> There in the town king Olaf quartered him, and there he had the greatest part of his force, because there was a wide district around which seemed to him convenient for the bringing in of such provisions as the army needed. But he sent men of his own up to the heath where the battlefield was appointed; these were to take camping-ground, and make all ready before the army came. But when the men came to the place where the field was enhazelled, there were all the hazel-poles set up to mark the ground where the battle should be.
North of the heath stood a town.<ref>'''North of the heath stood a town''': "it is evident that Egils Saga must be treated with the greatest caution and that none of its statements relative to the battle on Vinheithr must be taken as true of the battle of Brunanburh unless they are confirmed by independent sources.  This is equivalent to saying that it must be regarded as contributing nothing to the subject, until it is corroborated by new material". [[Campbell, Alistair. The Battle of Brunanburh]] (p. 78).</ref> There in the town king Olaf quartered him, and there he had the greatest part of his force, because there was a wide district around which seemed to him convenient for the bringing in of such provisions as the army needed. But he sent men of his own up to the heath where the battlefield was appointed; these were to take camping-ground, and make all ready before the army came. But when the men came to the place where the field was enhazelled, there were all the hazel-poles set up to mark the ground where the battle should be.

Revision as of 14:47, 4 August 2016


Chapter 52

Of the gathering of the host

Olaf king of Scots, drew together a mighty host, and marched upon England. When he came to Northumberland, he advanced with shield of war. On learning this, the earls who ruled there mustered their force and went against the king. And when they met there was a great battle, whereof the issue was that king Olaf won the victory, but earl Gudrek fell, and Alfgeir fled away, as did the greater part of the force that had followed them and escaped from the field. And now king Olaf found no further resistance, but subdued all Northumberland.

Alfgeir went to king Athelstan, and told him of his defeat. But as soon as king Athelstan heard that so mighty a host was come into his land, he despatched men and summoned forces, sending word to his earls and other nobles. And with such force as he had he at once turned him and marched against the Scots. But when it was bruited about that Olaf king of Scots had won a victory and subdued under him a large part of England, he soon had a much larger army than Athelstan, for many nobles joined him. And on learning this, Hring and Adils, who had gathered much people, turned to swell king Olaf's army. Thus their numbers became exceeding great.

All this when Athelstan learned, he summoned to conference his captains and his counsellors; he inquired of them what were best to do; he told the whole council point by point what he had ascertained about the doings of the Scots' king and his numbers. All present were agreed on this, that Alfgeir was most to blame, and thought it were but his due to lose his earldom. But the plan resolved on was this, that king Athelstan should go back to the south of England, and then for himself hold a levy of troops, coming northwards through the whole land; for they saw that the only way for the needful numbers to be levied in time was for the king himself to gather the force.

As for the army already assembled, the king set over it as commanders Thorolf and Egil. They were also to lead that force which the freebooters had brought to the king. But Alfgeir still held command over his own troops. Further, the king appointed such captains of companies as he thought fit.

When Egil returned from the council to his fellows, they asked him what tidings he could tell them of the Scots' king. He sang:

'Olaf one earl by furious
Onslaught in flight hath driven,
The other slain: a sovereign
Stubborn in fight is he.
Upon the field fared Gudrek
False path to his undoing.
He holds, this foe of England,
Northumbria's humbled soil.'

After this they sent messengers to king Olaf, giving out this as their errand, that king Athelstan would fain enhazel him a field[1] and offer battle[2] on Vin-heath by Vin-wood;[3] meanwhile he would have them forbear to harry his land; but of the twain he should rule England who should conquer in the battle. He appointed a week hence for the conflict, and whichever first came on the ground should wait a week for the other. Now this was then the custom, that so soon as a king had enhazelled a field, it was a shameful act to harry before the battle was ended. Accordingly king Olaf halted and harried not, but waited till the appointed day, when he moved his army to Vin-heath.

North of the heath stood a town.[4] There in the town king Olaf quartered him, and there he had the greatest part of his force, because there was a wide district around which seemed to him convenient for the bringing in of such provisions as the army needed. But he sent men of his own up to the heath where the battlefield was appointed; these were to take camping-ground, and make all ready before the army came. But when the men came to the place where the field was enhazelled, there were all the hazel-poles set up to mark the ground where the battle should be.

The place ought to be chosen level, and whereon a large host might be set in array. And such was this; for in the place where the battle was to be[5] the heath was level, with a river flowing on one side, on the other a large wood. But where the distance between the wood and the river was least (though this was a good long stretch), there king Athelstan's men had pitched, and their tents quite filled the space between wood and river. They had so pitched that in every third tent there were no men at all, and in one of every three but few. Yet when king Olaf's men came to them, they had then numbers swarming before all the tents, and the others could not get to go inside. Athelstan's men said that their tents were all full,.[6] so full that their people had not nearly enough room. But the front line of tents stood so high that it could not be seen over them whether they stood many or few in depth. Olaf's men imagined a vast host must be there. King Olaf's men pitched north of the hazel-poles, toward which side the ground sloped a little.

From day to day Athelstan's men said that the king would come, or was come, to the town that lay south of the heath. Meanwhile forces flocked to them both day and night.

But when the appointed time had expired, then Athelstan's men sent envoys to king Olaf with these words: 'King Athelstan is ready for battle, and had a mighty host. But he sends to king Olaf these words, that he would fain they should not cause so much bloodshed as now looks likely; he begs Olaf rather to go home to Scotland, and Athelstan will give him as a friendly gift one shilling of silver from every plough through all his realm, and he wishes that they should become friends.'

When the messengers came to Olaf he was just beginning to make ready his army, and purposing to attack. But on the messengers declaring their errand, he forebore to advance for that day. Then he and his captains sate in council. Wherein opinions were much divided. Some strongly desired that these terms should be taken; they said that this journey had already won them great honour, if they should go home after receiving so much money from Athelstan. But some were against it, saying that Athelstan would offer much more the second time, were this refused. And this latter counsel prevailed. Then the messengers begged king Olaf to give them time to go back to king Athelstan, and try if he would pay yet more money to ensure peace. They asked a truce of one day for their journey home, another for deliberation, a third to return to Olaf. The king granted them this.

The messengers went home, and came back on the third day according to promise; they now said to king Olaf that Athelstan would give all that he offered before, and over and above, for distribution among king Olaf's soldiers, a shilling to every freeborn man, a silver mark to every officer of a company of twelve men or more, a gold mark to every captain of the king's guard, and five gold marks to every earl. Then the king laid this offer before his forces. It was again as before; some opposed this, some desired it. In the end the king gave a decision: he said he would accept these terms, if this too were added, that king Athelstan let him have all Northumberland with the tributes and dues thereto belonging. Again the messengers ask armistice of three days,[7] with this further, that king Olaf should send his men to hear Athelstan's answer, whether he would take these terms or no; they say that to their thinking Athelstan will hardly refuse anything to ensure peace. King Olaf agreed to this and sent his men to king Athelstan.

Then the messengers ride all together, and find king Athelstan in the town that was close to the heath on the south. King Olaf's messengers declare before Athelstan their errand and the proposals for peace. King Athelstan's men told also with what offers they had gone to king Olaf, adding that this had been the counsel of wise men, thus to delay the battle so long as the king had not come.

But king Athelstan made a quick decision on this matter, and thus bespake the messengers: 'Bear ye these my words to king Olaf, that I will give him leave for this, to go home to Scotland with his forces; only let him restore all the property that he has wrongfully taken here in the land. Then make we peace between our lands, neither harrying the other. Further be it provided that king Olaf shall become my vassal, and hold Scotland for me, and be my under-king. Go now back,' said he, 'and tell him this.'

At once that same evening the messengers turned back on their way, and came to king Olaf about midnight; they then waked up the king, and told him straightway the words of king Athelstan. The king instantly summoned his earls and other captains; he then caused the messengers to come and declare the issue of their errand and the words of Athelstan. But when this was made known before the soldiers, all with one mouth said that this was now before them, to prepare for battle. The messengers said this too, that Athelstan had a numerous force, but he had come into the town on that same day when the messengers came there.

Then spoke earl Adils, 'Now, methinks, that has come to pass, O king, which I said, that ye would find tricksters in the English. We have sat here long time and waited while they have gathered to them all their forces, whereas their king can have been nowhere near when we came here. They will have been assembling a multitude while we were sitting still. Now this is my counsel, O king, that we two brothers ride at once forward this very night with our troop. It may be they will have no fear for themselves, now they know that their king is near with a large army. So we shall make a dash upon them. But if they turn and fly, they will lose some of their men, and be less bold afterwards for conflict with us.'

The king thought this good counsel. 'We will here make ready our army,' said he, 'as soon as it is light, and move to support you.'

This plan they fixed upon, and so ended the council.

References

  1. enhazel him a field: "Hann er að karpa við húskarlana, sem vilja sofa út á morgnana." Ashdown, Margaret. The single combat (p. 122).
  2. offer battle: "The Battle of Vinheid in ESS is usually identified with the Battle of Brunanburh, which was fought at an unknown place in 937, but such an identification makes a complete mess of the chronology of ESS, once again suggesting that the saga is not history but fiction." Hermann Pálsson. The Borg Connexion (p. 55).
  3. Vin-heath by Vin-wood: "Already in the seventeenth century, scholars saw that the historical foundation of the battle of Vínheiðr, described in [verses 16 to 22 of] Egils saga, must be the battle of Brunanburh".Campbell, Alistair. Skaldic Verse and the Anglo-Saxon Historian (p. 5).
  4. North of the heath stood a town: "it is evident that Egils Saga must be treated with the greatest caution and that none of its statements relative to the battle on Vinheithr must be taken as true of the battle of Brunanburh unless they are confirmed by independent sources. This is equivalent to saying that it must be regarded as contributing nothing to the subject, until it is corroborated by new material". Campbell, Alistair. The Battle of Brunanburh (p. 78).
  5. the place where the battle was to be: "In his deployment of these details it is the narrator who emerges as the clever strategist, for each scrap of topographical description is included not to identify the site, but in order to make the tent-ruse story work." McDougall, Ian. Discretion and Deceit (p. 120).
  6. tents were all full: "[This section of the saga] abounds in passages of conventionalized epic narrative signally lacking the tang of reality for which the saga is famed” Hollander, Lee M.. The Battle on the Vin-Heath and the Battle of the Huns (p. 36).
  7. Again the messengers ask armistice of three days : " Til að mynda er frásögnin af brögðum Aðalsteins til að vinna tíma, svo hann mætti safna liði, heldur grunsamleg, Þar gerist allt í skipulögðum þrennum. Sendimenn fara þrisvar til Ólafs konungs og kría út þriggja daga frest í hvert skipti." Magnús Fjalldal. Norrænir menn í vesturvíking - hin hliðin (p. 110).

Kafli 52

Af liðs samandrætti

Ólafur Skotakonungur dró saman her mikinn og fór síðan suður á England. En er hann kom á Norðimbraland fór hann allt herskildi. En er það spurðu jarlarnir er þar réðu fyrir stefna þeir saman liði og fara móti konungi. En er þeir finnast varð þar orusta mikil og lauk svo að Ólafur konungur hafði sigur en Goðrekur jarl féll en Álfgeir flýði undan og mestur hluti liðs þess er þeim hafði fylgt og brott komst úr bardaga. Fékk Álfgeir þá enga viðstöðu. Lagði Ólafur konungur þá allt Norðimbraland undir sig. Álfgeir fór á fund Aðalsteins konungs og sagði honum ófarar sínar.

En þegar er Aðalsteinn konungur spurði að her svo mikill var kominn í land hans þá gerði hann þegar menn frá sér og stefndi að sér liði, gerði orð jörlum sínum og öðrum ríkismönnum. Sneri konungur þegar á leið með það lið er hann fékk og fór í mót Skotum.

En er það spurðist að Ólafur Skotakonungur hafði fengið sigur og hafði lagt undir sig mikinn hluta af Englandi, hafði hann þá her miklu meira en Aðalsteinn en þá sótti til hans margt ríkismanna. En er þetta spyrja þeir Hringur og Aðils, höfðu þeir saman dregið lið mikið, þá snúast þeir í lið með Ólafi konungi. Höfðu þeir þá ógrynni liðs.

En er Aðalsteinn spurði þetta allt þá átti hann stefnu við höfðingja sína og ráðamenn, leitaði þá eftir hvað tiltækilegast væri, sagði þá allri alþýðu greinilega það er hann hafði frétt um athöfn Skotakonungs og fjölmenni hans. Allir mæltu þar eitt um að Álfgeir jarl hafði hinn versta hlut af og þótti það til liggja að taka af honum tignina. En sú ráðagerð staðfestist að Aðalsteinn konungur skyldi fara aftur og fara á sunnanvert England og hafa þá fyrir sér liðsafnað norður eftir landi öllu, því að þeir sáu ellegar mundi seint safnast fjölmennið, svo mikið sem þyrfti, ef eigi drægi konungur sjálfur að liðið.

En sá her er þá var þar saman kominn þá setti konungur þar yfir höfðingja Þórólf og Egil. Skyldu þeir ráða fyrir því liði er víkingar höfðu þangað haft til konungs en Álfgeir sjálfur hafði þá enn forráð síns liðs. Þá fékk konungur enn sveitarhöfðingja þá er honum sýndist. En er Egill kom heim af stefnunni til félaga sinna þá spurðu þeir hvað hann kynni að segja þeim tíðinda frá Skotakonungi. Hann kvað:

Ólafr of kom jöfri,
ótt, víg, á bak flótta,
þingharðan spyr eg þengil
þann, er felldi annan.
Glapstígu lét gnóga
Goðrekr á mó troðna.
Jörð spenr Engla skerðir
Álfgeir, und sig hálfa.

Síðan gera þeir sendimenn til Ólafs konungs og finna það til erinda að Aðalsteinn konungur vill hasla honum völl[1] og bjóða orustustað[2] á Vínheiði[3] við Vínuskóga[4] og hann vill að þeir herji eigi á land hans en sá þeirra ráði ríki á Englandi er sigur fær í orustu, lagði til vikustef um fund þeirra en sá bíður annars viku er fyrr kemur. En það var þá siður þegar konungi var völlur haslaður að hann skyldi eigi herja að skammlausu fyrr en orustu væri lokið. Gerði Ólafur konungur svo að hann stöðvaði her sinn og herjaði ekki og beið til stefnudags. Þá flutti hann her sinn til Vínheiðar.

Borg ein stóð fyrir norðan heiðina.[5] Settist Ólafur konungur þar í borgina og hafði þar mestan hlut liðs síns því að þar var út í frá héruð stór og þótti honum þar betra til aðflutninga um föng þau er herinn þurfti að hafa. En hann sendi menn sína upp á heiðina þar sem orustustaðurinn var ákveðinn. Skyldu þeir taka þar tjaldstaði og búast þar um áður herinn kæmi. En er þeir menn komu í þann stað er völlurinn var haslaður þá voru þar settar upp heslistengur allt til ummerkja þar er sá staður var er orustan skyldi vera.[6] Þurfti þann stað að vanda, að hann væri sléttur, er miklum her skyldi fylkja. Var þar og svo er orustustaðurinn skyldi vera að þar var heiður slétt en annan veg frá féll á ein en á annan veg frá var skógur mikill.

En þar er skemmst var milli skógarins og árinnar, og var það mjög löng leið, þar höfðu tjaldað menn Aðalsteins konungs. Stóðu tjöld þeirra allt milli skógarins og árinnar. Þeir höfðu svo tjaldað að eigi voru menn í hinu þriðja hverju tjaldi og þó fáir í einu.

En er menn Ólafs konungs komu til þeirra þá höfðu þeir fjölmennt fyrir framan tjöldin öll og náðu þeir ekki inn að ganga. Sögðu menn Aðalsteins að tjöld þeirra væru öll full af mönnum svo að hvergi nær hefði þar rúm lið þeirra. En tjöldin stóðu svo hátt að ekki mátti yfir upp sjá hvort þau stóðu mörg eða fá á þykktina. Þeir hugðu að þar mundi vera her manns.[7]

Ólafs konungs menn tjölduðu fyrir norðan höslurnar og var þangað allt nokkuð afhallt. Aðalsteins menn sögðu og annan dag frá öðrum að konungur þeirra mundi þá koma eða vera kominn í borg þá er var sunnan undir heiðinni. Lið dróst til þeirra bæði dag og nótt.

En er stefna sú var liðin er ákveðið var þá senda menn Aðalsteins erindreka á fund Ólafs konungs með þeim orðum að Aðalsteinn konungur er búinn til orustu og hefir her allmikinn en hann sendir Ólafi konungi þau orð að hann vill eigi að þeir geri svo mikið mannspell sem þá horfðist til, bað hann heldur fara heim í Skotland en Aðalsteinn vill fá honum að vingjöf skilding silfurs af plógi hverjum um allt ríki sitt og vill að þeir leggi með sér vináttu.

En er sendimenn koma til Ólafs konungs þá tók hann að búa her sinn og ætlaði að að ríða. En er sendimenn báru upp erindi þá stöðvaði konungur ferð sína þann dag, sat þá í ráðagerð og höfðingjar hers með honum. Lögðu menn þar allmisjafnt til. Sumir fýstu mjög að þenna kost skyldi taka, sögðu að það var þá orðin hin mesta fremdarferð að þeir færu heim og hefðu tekið gjald svo mikið af Aðalsteini. Sumir löttu og sögðu að Aðalsteinn mundi bjóða miklu meira í annað sinn ef þetta væri eigi tekið og var sú ráðagerð staðfest.

Þá báðu sendimenn Ólaf konung að gefa sér tóm til að þeir hittu enn Aðalstein konung og freistuðu ef hann vildi enn meira gjald af hendi reiða til þess að friður væri. Þeir beiddu griða einn dag til heimreiðar en annan til umráða en hinn þriðja til afturferðar. Konungur játtaði þeim því. Fara sendimenn heim og koma aftur hinn þriðja dag sem ákveðið var, segja Ólafi konungi að Aðalsteinn vill gefa allt slíkt sem hann bauð fyrr og þar umfram til hlutskiptis liði Ólafs konungs skilding manni hverjum frjálsbornum en mörk sveitarhöfðingja hverjum þeim er réði fyrir tólf mönnum eða fleirum en mörk gulls hirðstjóra hverjum en fimm merkur gulls jarli hverjum.

Síðan lét konungur þetta upp bera fyrir lið sitt. Var enn sem fyrr að sumir löttu en sumir fýstu en að lyktum veitti konungur úrskurð, segir að þenna kost vill hann taka ef það fylgir að Aðalsteinn konungur lætur hann hafa Norðimbraland allt með þeim sköttum og skyldum er þar liggja.

Sendimenn biðja enn fresta um þrjá daga[8] og þess með að Ólafur konungur sendi þá menn sína að heyra orð Aðalsteins konungs hvort hann vill eða eigi þenna kost, segja að þeir hyggja að Aðalsteinn konungur mundi láta fátt við nema að sættin tækist. Ólafur konungur játtir því og sendir menn sína til Aðalsteins konungs. Ríða þá sendimenn allir saman og hitta Aðalstein konung í borg þeirri er var næst heiðinni fyrir sunnan.

Sendimenn Ólafs konungs bera upp erindi sín fyrir Aðalstein konung og sættaboð. Aðalsteins konungs menn sögðu og með hverjum boðum þeir höfðu farið til Ólafs konungs og það með að það var ráðagerð vitra manna að dvelja svo orustu meðan konungur kæmi eigi.

En Aðalsteinn konungur veitti skjótan úrskurð um þetta mál og sagði sendimönnum svo: „Berið þau orð mín Ólafi konungi að eg vil gefa honum orlof til þess að fara heim til Skotlands með lið sitt og gjaldi hann aftur fé það allt er hann tók upp að röngu hér í landi. Setjum hér síðan frið í millum landa vorra og herji hvorigir á aðra. Það skal og fylgja að Ólafur konungur skal gerast minn maður og halda Skotland af mér og vera undirkonungur minn. Farið nú,“ segir hann, „aftur og segið honum svo búið.“

Sendimenn sneru aftur leið sína þegar um kveldið og komu til Ólafs konungs nær miðri nótt, vöktu þá upp konung og sögðu honum þegar orð Aðalsteins konungs. Konungur lét þegar kalla til sín jarlana og aðra höfðingja, lét þá sendimenn koma til og segja upp erindislok sín og orð Aðalsteins konungs. En er þetta var kunnigt gert fyrir liðsmönnum þá var eitt orðtak allra að það mundi fyrir liggja að búast til orustu. Sendimenn sögðu og það með að Aðalsteinn hafði fjölda liðs og hann hafði þann dag komið til borgarinnar sem sendimenn komu.

Þá mælti Aðils jarl: „Nú mun það fram komið konungur sem eg sagði að yður mundu þeir reynast brögðóttir hinir ensku. Höfum vér hér setið langa stund og beðið þess er þeir hafa dregið að sér allt lið sitt en konungur þeirra mun verið hafa hvergi nær þá er vér komum hér. Munu þeir nú hafa safnað liði miklu síðan vér settumst. Nú er það ráð mitt konungur að við bræður ríðum þegar í nótt fyrir með okkru liði. Má það vera að þeir óttist nú ekki að sér er þeir hafa spurt að konungur þeirra er nær með her mikinn. Skulum við þá veita þeim áhlaup en er þeir verða forflótta þá munu þeir láta lið sitt en ódjarfari síðan í atgöngu að móti oss.“

Konungi þótti þetta ráð vel fundið „munum vér búa her vorn þegar er lýsir og fara til móts við yður.“

Staðfestu þeir þetta ráð og luku svo stefnunni.

Tilvísanir

  1. hasla honum völl: "One is tempted to press the point still further, and to see in the hazelling of the field recorded in the Egilssaga preparations, not for a pitched battle, but for a single combat'. Yet the temptation should probably be resisted, since the precise meaning of the phrase 'hasla voll' in any particular passage is difficult to ascertain." Ashdown, Margaret. The single combat (s. 122).
  2. bjóða orustustað: "The Battle of Vinheid in ESS is usually identified with the Battle of Brunanburh, which was fought at an unknown place in 937, but such an identification makes a complete mess of the chronology of ESS, once again suggesting that the saga is not history but fiction." Hermann Pálsson. The Borg Connexion (S. 55).
  3. Vínheiði : "þá virðist mér það mjög vafasamt að Vinheiðr geti verið þýðing á Wendun (e). [...] Annað fornenskt örnefni liggur miklu nær Vinheiði en Wendun (e), og það er “Uinuaed”, " Jón Jónsson. Uinuaed (s. 95).
  4. Vínheiði við Vínuskóga: "Already in the seventeenth century, scholars saw that the historical foundation of the battle of Vínheiðr, described in [verses 16 to 22 of] Egils saga, must be the battle of Brunanburh.” Campbell, Alistair. Skaldic Verse and the Anglo-Saxon Historian (s. 5).
  5. Borg ein stóð fyrir norðan heiðina: "it is evident that Egils Saga must be treated with the greatest caution and that none of its statements relative to the battle on Vinheithr must be taken as true of the battle of Brunanburh unless they are confirmed by independent sources. This is equivalent to saying that it must be regarded as contributing nothing to the subject, until it is corroborated by new material". Campbell, Alistair. The Battle of Brunanburh (s. 78).
  6. sá staður var er orustan skyldi vera: "In his deployment of these details it is the narrator who emerges as the clever strategist, for each scrap of topographical description is included not to identify the site, but in order to make the tent-ruse story work." McDougall, Ian. Discretion and Deceit (s. 120).
  7. her manns: "[This section of the saga] abounds in passages of conventionalized epic narrative signally lacking the tang of reality for which the saga is famed” Hollander, Lee M.. The Battle on the Vin-Heath and the Battle of the Huns (s. 36).
  8. Sendimenn biðja enn fresta um þrjá daga : " Til að mynda er frásögnin af brögðum Aðalsteins til að vinna tíma, svo hann mætti safna liði, heldur grunsamleg, Þar gerist allt í skipulögðum þrennum. Sendimenn fara þrisvar til Ólafs konungs og kría út þriggja daga frest í hvert skipti." Magnús Fjalldal. Norrænir menn í vesturvíking - hin hliðin (s. 110).

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