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Bergonund son of Thorgeir Thornfoot had then married Gunnhilda daughter of Bjorn Yeoman. She had come to keep house with him at Askr. But Asgerdr, whom Thorolf Skallagrimsson had had to wife, was then with Arinbjorn, her kinsman. Thorolf and she had a daughter named Thordis, and the girl was there with her mother. Egil told Asgerdr of Thorolf's death, and offered her his guardianship. Asgerdr was much grieved at the tidings; she answered Egil's words well, saying however but little one way or the other.
Bergonund son of Thorgeir Thornfoot had then married Gunnhilda daughter of Bjorn Yeoman. She had come to keep house with him at Askr. But Asgerdr, whom Thorolf Skallagrimsson had had to wife, was then with Arinbjorn, her kinsman. Thorolf and she had a daughter named Thordis, and the girl was there with her mother. Egil told Asgerdr of Thorolf's death, and offered her his guardianship. Asgerdr was much grieved at the tidings; she answered Egil's words well, saying however but little one way or the other.


But, at autumn wore on, Egil began to be very gloomy and drank little, and often say with his head drooping in his cloak. One time Arinbjorn went to him and asked what meant his gloom.
But, at autumn wore on, Egil began to be very gloomy and drank little, and often say with his head drooping in his cloak.<ref>''' with his head drooping in his cloak.''': " [Hegðun Egils] er því ráðgáta bæði fyrir lesendur og aðrar persónur sögunnar [...] Hér virðist því mikilvægur eiginleiki sögunnar vera kominn í ljós sem bætist við hina formföstu ytri byggingu og sterkt innra samhengi. Hann felst í tilhneigingu höfundar til að gera sögu Egils að ráðgátu. Það er t.a.m. ekki fyrr en í 56. kafla að skýring fæst á hegðun hans fram að því, og raunar þarf lesandinn að rekja sig til baka til að átta sig á því hvers vegna Egill biður Ásgerðar eftir fall Þórólfs. Þetta er ekki ósvipað gátu þar sem lausnin er fólgin í framsetningunni. Því vaknar sú spurning hvort það sem sagt er frá eftir að Egill snýr heim úr sinni fyrstu utanferð sé ekki hluti af þeirri ráðgátu." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Beinagrindin]] (s. 52).</ref> One time Arinbjorn went to him and asked what meant his gloom.


'Though now you have had a great loss in your brother, yet 'tis manly to bear up well; man must overlive man. Come, what verse are you now repeating? Let me hear.'
'Though now you have had a great loss in your brother, yet 'tis manly to bear up well; man must overlive man.<ref>'''man must overlive man''': "Auðkennda setningin á sér hliðstæður í tveim fornritum. Í Örvar-Odds sögu missir kempan hvern fóstbróður sinn á fætur öðrum, og kemur því ekki á óvart játning hans þegar líða tekur á ævi: „Mér þykir víðast dauflegt eftir mannamissi þann er eg hefi fengið.“ „Vorkunn er það,“ segir Hárekur. „Þó verður maður eftir mann að lifa. [...] Hitt ritið er Karlamagnús saga. Þegar Gvitalín hefur yppt þeirri harmfregn fyrir keisara og köppum hans að allir hinir bestu riddarar úr liði þeirra séu fallnir, þá tekst Nemes á hendur að hugga Karlamagnús: „Ver eigi óglaður,“ segir hann, „því ekki tjár að syrgja eftir dauðan. Maður skal eftir mann lifa og rækja sjálfan sig mest“.“ [[Hermann Pálsson. Ættarmót með Eglu og öðrum skrám]] (p. 3).</ref> Come, what verse are you now repeating?<ref>'''what verse are you now repeating''': "Most of non-strictly commemorative poetry stems from anger, sadness or regret. It is enough that Egil turns silent, absents and isolates himself by hiding
underneath the cloak for his friend Arinbjörn to preoccupy and ask him: "what verse are
you now repeating?"" [[Koch, Ludovica. Il corvo della memoria e il corvo del pensiero]] (p. 43).</ref> Let me hear.'


Egil said he had just made this verse:
Egil said he had just made this verse:
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Fair goddess seems. Of old<br>
Fair goddess seems. Of old<br>
Bold with uplifted brow<br>
Bold with uplifted brow<br>
Beheld I woman's face.<br>
Beheld I woman's face<ref>'''woman's face''': "Rangt var það og, er sami fróðleiksmaðr í þessari vísu vildi gera „þó" að sagnarorði (= þvoði) í stað ins einfalda vanalega samtengingarorðs og komst svo að þeirri niðrstöðu, að Egill hefði svo talað hér um bil: „Nú venst ég ókynni, enn áðr var annað, konan þvoði mér um höfuðið", o. s. frv." [[Gísli Brynjúlfsson. Tvær vísur eftir höfuðskáld]] (p. 9).</ref>.<br>
Now one (whose name I veil)<br>
Now one (whose name I veil)<br>
No sooner to the skald<br>
No sooner to the skald<br>
Occurs, than shyly sinks<br>
Occurs, than shyly sinks<br>
Screen'd in his cloak his head.'<br>
Screen'd in his cloak his head.'<ref>'''head''': "With a bit of generalization, we would have a 'Minnedichter' [i.e. medieval German love-poet] complaint: a strophe about devouring love anguish and the necessity to remain silent and to avoid direct contact with the loved [lit. chosen] one." [[Gutenbrunner, Siegfried. Skaldischer Vorfrühling des Minnessangs]] (p. 388) </ref><br>
 
Arinbjorn asked who was the woman about whom he composed such love-song.<ref> '''love-song''': "... there are nevertheless two strophes that Egil utters in relation to his love issue - the 23th and 24th strophes of the saga, the first of which Arinbjörn names "love song" (''mansöngur''), but their description of love-passion is very moderate." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Über Art und Herkunft einer Gruppe von Skaldensagas]] (p. 354) </ref> 'Have you hidden her name in this stave?'<ref>'''Have you hidden her name in this stave?''': "When Egill secretes his lady's name in a stanza, it is not a ''senhal'', and when Þormóðr rededicates a love poem, it is not a ''chanson de change''. Indeed, one could argue that the similarities between Norse and Provençal love poetry are no greater than the similarities between the Norse ''níðvísa'' and the Provençal ''sirventès'' or the Norse ''erfidrápa'' and the Provençal ''planh''. The chief difficulty involved in Bjarni Einarsson's equation is therefore the absence of really significant correspondences between the conventions of love poetry in medieval Iceland and Provence." [[Andersson, Theodore M.. Skalds and Troubadours.]] (p. 17).</ref><ref> '''Have you hidden her name in this stave?''': "I have, of course, never contended that there were "really significant correspondences between the conventions of love poetry in medieval Iceland and Provence", and I entirely agree with Andersson that "the differences are much more apparent". But when that has been stated, I still maintain that there are really significant signs of some influence, and I am not the first who has been struck by the resemblance between the Old Icelandic love poetry and certain characteristic traits of the love poetry fashionable on the continent in the twelfth century and later... It is only in the Sagas of the Skalds that the love-stanzas appear to be inconsistent with the above-named Provençal conventions, and no wonder! How should they be - or purport to be - other than "extemporaneous" and "specific" and pertaining "to a particular moment" ([Andersson 1969] p. 22), when they are part of a context in a saga?" [[Bjarni Einarsson. The Lovesick Skald]] (p. 36-7) </ref>


Arinbjorn asked who was the woman about whom he composed such love-song. 'Have you hidden her name in this stave?'


Then Egil recited:
Then Egil recited:


'Sorrow shows not, but hides<br>
'Sorrow shows not, but hides<ref>'''but hides''': “Love and sexual passion are only weakly represented in [Egill’s] repertoire, however, and in that respect one may say that one of the main defining characteristics of the skald saga is vestigial here.”. [[Clunies Ross, Margaret. The Skald Sagas as a Genre]] (p. 38).</ref><br>
The saddening thought within.<br>
The saddening thought within.<ref>'''The saddening thought within''': "Another consistent feature of Norse love poetry is the tendency to work from the immediate situation to an emotional expression. The poet will often fix the circumstances in the first ''helming'' and then express his love or dismay or longing in the second ''helming''." [[Andersson, Theodore M.. Skalds and Troubadours.]] (p. 22).</ref><br>
Names in my poesy<br>
Names in my poesy<br>
Not oft I use to veil.<br>
Not oft I use to veil.<br>
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What poet deep hath plunged.'<br>
What poet deep hath plunged.'<br>


'Here,' said Egil, 'will the old saw be found true. All should be told to a friend. I will tell you that which you ask, about what woman I compose verse. ''Tis Asgerdr your kinswoman; and I would fain have your furtherance to secure this match.'
'Here,' said Egil, 'will the old saw be found true. All should be told to a friend. I will tell you that which you ask, about what woman I compose verse.<ref>'''what woman I compose verse''': "It is significant that Egill’s two verses about his relationship with Ásgerðr suggest more emotion than is implied by the prose narrative, in which his marriage to her seems to be partly a commercial transaction, partly a stage in the process of healing the grief at his brother’s death". [[Finlay, Alison. Egils saga and other poets’ sagas]] (s. 34).</ref> ''Tis Asgerdr your kinswoman; and I would fain have your furtherance to secure this match.'


Arinbjorn said that he deemed it well thought of. 'I will,' said he, 'surely give my good word that this match may be made.'
Arinbjorn said that he deemed it well thought of.<ref>'''he deemed it well thought of''': "Auðkennda setningin á sér hliðstæður í tveim fornritum. Í Örvar-Odds sögu missir kempan hvern fóstbróður sinn á fætur öðrum, og kemur því ekki á óvart játning hans þegar líða tekur á ævi: „Mér þykir víðast dauflegt eftir mannamissi þann er eg hefi fengið.“ „Vorkunn er það,“ segir Hárekur. „Þó verður maður eftir mann að lifa. [...] Hitt ritið er Karlamagnús saga. Þegar Gvitalín hefur yppt þeirri harmfregn fyrir keisara og köppum hans að allir hinir bestu riddarar úr liði þeirra séu fallnir, þá tekst Nemes á hendur að hugga Karlamagnús: „Ver eigi óglaður,“ segir hann, „því ekki tjár að syrgja eftir dauðan. Maður skal eftir mann lifa og rækja sjálfan sig mest“.“ [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Guðs lög í ævi og verkum Snorra Sturlusonar]] (p. 35).</ref> 'I will,' said he, 'surely give my good word that this match may be made.'


Then Egil laid this matter before Asgerdr, but she referred it to the decision of her father and her kinsman Arinbjorn. Arinbjorn talked with Asgerdr, and she made the same answer. Arinbjorn was desirous of this match. After this Arinbjorn and Egil went together to Bjorn, and then Egil made his suit and asked to wife Asgerdr Bjorn's daughter. Bjorn took this matter well, and said that Arinbjorn should chiefly decide this. Arinbjorn greatly desired it; and the end of the matter was that Egil and Asgerdr were betrothed, and the wedding was to be at Arinbjorn's.
Then Egil laid this matter before Asgerdr, but she referred it to the decision of her father and her kinsman Arinbjorn. Arinbjorn talked with Asgerdr, and she made the same answer. Arinbjorn was desirous of this match. After this Arinbjorn and Egil went together to Bjorn, and then Egil made his suit and asked to wife Asgerdr Bjorn's daughter. Bjorn took this matter well, and said that Arinbjorn should chiefly decide this. Arinbjorn greatly desired it; and the end of the matter was that Egil and Asgerdr were betrothed, and the wedding was to be at Arinbjorn's.


And when the appointed time came, there was a very grand feast at Egil's marriage. He was then very cheerful for the remaining part of the winter. In the spring he made ready a merchant-ship for a voyage to Iceland. Arinbjorn advised him not to settle in Norway while Gunnhilda's power was so great. 'For she is very wroth with you,' said Arinbjorn; 'and this has been made much worse by your encounter with Eyvind near Jutland.'
And when the appointed time came, there was a very grand feast at Egil's marriage. He was then very cheerful for the remaining part of the winter.
 
But when Egil was ready, and a fair wind blew, he sailed out to sea, and his voyage sped well. He came in the autumn to Iceland, and stood into Borgar-firth. He had now been out twelve winters. Skallagrim was an old man by this time. Full glad was he when Egil came home. Egil went to lodge at Borg, and with him Thofid Strong and many of their company; and they were there with Skallagrim for the winter. Egil had immense store of wealth; but it is not told that Egil shared that silver which king Athelstan had given him either with Skallagrim or others. That winter Thorfid married Sæunn, Skallagrim's daughter; and in the following spring Skallagrim gave them a homestead at Long-river-foss, and the land inwards from Leiru-brook between Long-river and Swan-river, even up to the fell. Daughter of Thorfid and Sæunn was Thordis wife to Arngeir in Holm, the son of Bersi Godless. Their son was Bjorn, Hitadale's champion.
 
Egil abode there with Skallagrim several winters. He took upon him the management of the property and farm no less than Skallagrim. Egil became more and more bald. The country-side began now to be settled far and wide. Hromund, brother of Grim the Halogalander, settled at this time in Cross-river-lithe with his shipmates. Hromund was father of Gunnlaug, the father of Thuridr Dylla, mother of Illugi the Swarthy.
 
Egil had now been several winters at Borg with his father, when one summer a ship from Norway to Iceland with these tidings from the east, that Bjorn Yeoman was dead. Further, it was told that all the property owned by Bjorn had been taken up by Bergonund, his son-in-law, who had moved to his own home all loose chattels, letting out the lands, and securing to himself all the rents. He had also got possession of all the farms occupied of late by Bjorn. This when Egil heard, he inquired carefully whether Bjorn had acted on his own counsel in this matter, or had the support of others more powerful. It was told him that Onund was become a close friend of king Eric, but was on even more intimate terms with Gunnhilda.
 
Egil let the matter rest for this autumn; but when winter was past and spring came, then Egil bade them draw out his ship, which had stood in the shed at Long-river-foss. This ship he made ready for sea, and got a crew thereto. Asgerdr his wife was to go with him, but Thordis Thorolf's daughter remained behind. Egil sailed out to sea when he was ready, and of his voyage there is nothing to tell before he came to Norway. He at once, as soon as he could, went to seek Arinbjorn. Arinbjorn received him well, and asked Egil to stay with him; this offer he took. So both he and Asgerdr went thither and several men with them.
 
Egil very soon spoke with Arinbjorn about those claims on money that he thought he had there in the land.
 
Arinbjorn said, 'That matter seems to me unpromising. Bergonund is hard, ill to deal with, unjust, covetous; and he has now much support from the king and the queen. Gunnhilda is your bitter enemy, as you know already, and she will not desire Onund to put the case right.'
 
Egil said, 'The king will let us get law and justice in this matter, and with your help it seems no great thing in my eyes to take the law of Bergonund.'
 
They resolved on this, that Egil should equip a swift cutter, whereon they embarked some twenty men, and went south to Hordaland and on to Askr. There they go to the house and find Onund. Egil declares his business, and demands of Onund's sharing of the heritage of Bjorn. He says that Bjorn's daughters were by law both alike his heirs, 'Though methinks,' says Egil, 'Asgerdr will be deemed more nobly born than your wife Gunnhilda.'
 
Then says Onund in high-pitched voice, 'A wondrous bold man are you, Egil, the outlaw of king Eric, who come hither to his land and think here to attack his men and friends. You are to know, Egil, that I have overthrown men as good as you for less cause than methinks this is, when you claim heritage in right of your wife; for this is well known to all, that she is born of a bondwoman.'
 
Onund was furious in language for a time; but when Egil saw that Onund would do no right in this matter, then he summoned him to court, and referred the matter to the law of the Gula-thing.
 
Onund said, 'To the Gula-thing I will come, and my will is that you should not come away thence with a whole skin.'
 
Egil said he would risk coming to the Thing all the same: 'There let come what come may to end our matter.'
 
Egil then went away with his company, and when he came home told Arinbjorn of his journey and of Onund's answer. Arinbjorn was very angry that Thora his father's sister had been called a bondwoman. Arinbjorn went to king Eric, and declared this matter before him.'
 
The king took his words rather sullenly, and said that Arinbjorn had long advocated Egil's cause: 'He has had this grace through thee, that I have let him be here in the land; but now shall I think it too much to bear if thou back him in his assaults on my friends.'
 
Arinbjorn said, 'Thou wilt let us get law in this case.'
 
The king was rather peevish in this talk, but Arinbjorn could see that the queen was much worse-willed.
 
Arinbjorn went back and said that things looked rather unpromising. Then winter wore away, and the time came when men should go to the Gula-thing. Arinbjorn took to the Thing a numerous company, among them went Egil.


==References==
==References==
Line 91: Line 60:
Berg-Önundur son Þorgeirs þyrnifótar hafði þá fengið Gunnhildar dóttur Bjarnar hölds. Var hún komin til bús með honum á Aski. En Ásgerður er átt hafði Þórólfur Skalla-Grímsson var þá með Arinbirni frænda sínum. Þau Þórólfur áttu dóttur eina unga er Þórdís hét og var mærin þar með móður sinni. Egill sagði Ásgerði lát Þórólfs og bauð henni sína umsjá. Ásgerður varð mjög ókát við þá sögu en svaraði vel ræðum Egils og tók lítið af öllu.
Berg-Önundur son Þorgeirs þyrnifótar hafði þá fengið Gunnhildar dóttur Bjarnar hölds. Var hún komin til bús með honum á Aski. En Ásgerður er átt hafði Þórólfur Skalla-Grímsson var þá með Arinbirni frænda sínum. Þau Þórólfur áttu dóttur eina unga er Þórdís hét og var mærin þar með móður sinni. Egill sagði Ásgerði lát Þórólfs og bauð henni sína umsjá. Ásgerður varð mjög ókát við þá sögu en svaraði vel ræðum Egils og tók lítið af öllu.


Og er á leið haustið tók Egill ógleði mikla, sat oft og drap höfðinu niður í feld sinn.
Og er á leið haustið tók Egill ógleði mikla, sat oft og drap höfðinu niður í feld sinn.<ref>''' drap höfðinu niður í feld sinn.''': " [Hegðun Egils] er því ráðgáta bæði fyrir lesendur og aðrar persónur sögunnar [...] Hér virðist því mikilvægur eiginleiki sögunnar vera kominn í ljós sem bætist við hina formföstu ytri byggingu og sterkt innra samhengi. Hann felst í tilhneigingu höfundar til að gera sögu Egils að ráðgátu. Það er t.a.m. ekki fyrr en í 56. kafla að skýring fæst á hegðun hans fram að því, og raunar þarf lesandinn að rekja sig til baka til að átta sig á því hvers vegna Egill biður Ásgerðar eftir fall Þórólfs. Þetta er ekki ósvipað gátu þar sem lausnin er fólgin í framsetningunni. Því vaknar sú spurning hvort það sem sagt er frá eftir að Egill snýr heim úr sinni fyrstu utanferð sé ekki hluti af þeirri ráðgátu." [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Beinagrindin]] (s. 52).</ref>


Eitthvert sinn gekk Arinbjörn til hans og spurði hvað ógleði hans ylli „nú þó að þú hafir fengið skaða mikinn um bróður þinn þá er það karlmannlegt að bera það vel. Skal maður eftir mann lifa eða hvað kveður þú nú? Láttu mig nú heyra.“
Eitthvert sinn gekk Arinbjörn til hans og spurði hvað ógleði hans ylli „nú þó að þú hafir fengið skaða mikinn um bróður þinn þá er það karlmannlegt að bera það vel. Skal maður eftir mann lifa<ref>'''Skal maður eftir mann lifa''': "Auðkennda setningin á sér hliðstæður í tveim fornritum. Í Örvar-Odds sögu missir kempan hvern fóstbróður sinn á fætur öðrum, og kemur því ekki á óvart játning hans þegar líða tekur á ævi: „Mér þykir víðast dauflegt eftir mannamissi þann er eg hefi fengið.“ „Vorkunn er það,“ segir Hárekur. „Þó verður maður eftir mann að lifa. [...] Hitt ritið er Karlamagnús saga. Þegar Gvitalín hefur yppt þeirri harmfregn fyrir keisara og köppum hans að allir hinir bestu riddarar úr liði þeirra séu fallnir, þá tekst Nemes á hendur að hugga Karlamagnús: „Ver eigi óglaður,“ segir hann, „því ekki tjár að syrgja eftir dauðan. Maður skal eftir mann lifa og rækja sjálfan sig mest“.“ [[Hermann Pálsson. Ættarmót með Eglu og öðrum skrám]] (s. 3).</ref> eða hvað kveður þú nú?<ref>'''hvað kveður þú nú?''': "Most of non-strictly commemorative poetry stems from anger, sadness or regret. It is enough that Egil turns silent, absents and isolates himself by hiding
underneath the cloak for his friend Arinbjörn to preoccupy and ask him: "what verse are
you now repeating?"" [[Koch, Ludovica. Il corvo della memoria e il corvo del pensiero]] (s. 43).</ref>  Láttu mig nú heyra.“


Egill sagði að hann hefði þetta fyrir skemmstu kveðið:
Egill sagði að hann hefði þetta fyrir skemmstu kveðið:
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ungr þorði eg vel forðum, <br>
ungr þorði eg vel forðum, <br>
hauka klifs, að hefja, <br>
hauka klifs, að hefja, <br>
Hlín, þvergnípur mínar.<br>
Hlín, þvergnípur<ref>'''hlín, þvergnípur''': "Rangt var það og, er sami fróðleiksmaðr í þessari vísu vildi gera „þó" að sagnarorði (= þvoði) í stað ins einfalda vanalega samtengingarorðs og komst svo að þeirri niðrstöðu, að Egill hefði svo talað hér um bil: „Nú venst ég ókynni, enn áðr var annað, konan þvoði mér um höfuðið", o. s. frv." [[Gísli Brynjúlfsson. Tvær vísur eftir höfuðskáld]] (s. 9).</ref> mínar.<br>
Verð í feld, þá er foldar <br>
Verð í feld, þá er foldar <br>
faldr kemr í hug skaldi <br>
faldr kemr í hug skaldi <br>
berg-Óneris, brúna <br>
berg-Óneris, brúna <br>
brátt miðstalli hváta.<br>
brátt miðstalli hváta.<ref>'''hváta''': "With a bit of generalization, we would have a 'Minnedichter' [i.e. medieval German love-poet] complaint: a strophe about devouring love anguish and the necessity to remain silent and to avoid direct contact with the loved [lit. chosen] one." [[Gutenbrunner, Siegfried. Skaldischer Vorfrühling des Minnessangs]] (s. 388) </ref><br>


Arinbjörn spurði hver kona sú væri er hann orti mansöng um „hefir þú fólgið nafn hennar í vísu þessi.“
Arinbjörn spurði hver kona sú væri er hann orti mansöng<ref> '''mansöng''': "... there are nevertheless two strophes that Egil utters in relation to his love issue - the 23th and 24th strophes of the saga, the first of which Arinbjörn names "love song" (''mansöngur''), but their description of love-passion is very moderate." [[Bjarni Einarsson. Über Art und Herkunft einer Gruppe von Skaldensagas]] (s. 354) </ref> um „hefir þú fólgið nafn hennar í vísu þessi.“<ref>'''hefir þú fólgið nafn hennar í vísu þessi''': "When Egill secretes his lady's name in a stanza, it is not a ''senhal'', and when Þormóðr rededicates a love poem, it is not a ''chanson de change''. Indeed, one could argue that the similarities between Norse and Provençal love poetry are no greater than the similarities between the Norse ''níðvísa'' and the Provençal ''sirventès'' or the Norse ''erfidrápa'' and the Provençal ''planh''. The chief difficulty involved in Bjarni Einarsson's equation is therefore the absence of really significant correspondences between the conventions of love poetry in medieval Iceland and Provence." [[Andersson, Theodore M.. Skalds and Troubadours.]] (s. 17).</ref><ref> '''hefir þú fólgið nafn hennar í vísu þessi''': "I have, of course, never contended that there were "really significant correspondences between the conventions of love poetry in medieval Iceland and Provence", and I entirely agree with Andersson that "the differences are much more apparent". But when that has been stated, I still maintain that there are really significant signs of some influence, and I am not the first who has been struck by the resemblance between the Old Icelandic love poetry and certain characteristic traits of the love poetry fashionable on the continent in the twelfth century and later... It is only in the Sagas of the Skalds that the love-stanzas appear to be inconsistent with the above-named Provençal conventions, and no wonder! How should they be - or purport to be - other than "extemporaneous" and "specific" and pertaining "to a particular moment" ([Andersson 1969] p. 22), when they are part of a context in a saga?" [[Bjarni Einarsson. The Lovesick Skald]] (s. 36-7) </ref>


Þá kvað Egill:
Þá kvað Egill:


Sef, Skuldar fel eg sjaldan,<br>  
Sef, Skuldar fel eg sjaldan,<ref>'''fel eg sjaldan''': “Love and sexual passion are only weakly represented in [Egill’s] repertoire, however, and in that respect one may say that one of the main defining characteristics of the skald saga is vestigial here.”. [[Clunies Ross, Margaret. The Skald Sagas as a Genre]] (s. 38).</ref><br>  
sorg eyvita borgar, <br>
sorg eyvita borgar,<ref>'''sorg eyvita borgar''': "Another consistent feature of Norse love poetry is the tendency to work from the immediate situation to an emotional expression. The poet will often fix the circumstances in the first ''helming'' and then express his love or dismay or longing in the second ''helming''." [[Andersson, Theodore M.. Skalds and Troubadours.]] (s. 22).</ref><br>
í niðerfi Narfa <br>
í niðerfi Narfa <br>
nafn aurmýils, drafnar<br>  
nafn aurmýils, drafnar<br>  
Line 119: Line 90:
reifendr munu þreifa.<br>
reifendr munu þreifa.<br>


„Hér mun vera,“ segir Egill, „sem oft er mælt að segjanda er allt sínum vin. Eg mun segja þér það er þú spyrð, um hverja konu eg yrki. Þar er Ásgerður frændkona þín og þar til vildi eg hafa fullting þitt að eg næði því ráði.“
„Hér mun vera,“ segir Egill, „sem oft er mælt að segjanda er allt sínum vin. Eg mun segja þér það er þú spyrð, um hverja konu eg yrki.<ref>'''hverja konu eg yrki''': "It is significant that Egill’s two verses about his relationship with Ásgerðr suggest more emotion than is implied by the prose narrative, in which his marriage to her seems to be partly a commercial transaction, partly a stage in the process of healing the grief at his brother’s death". [[Finlay, Alison. Egils saga and other poets’ sagas]] (s. 34).</ref> Þar er Ásgerður frændkona þín og þar til vildi eg hafa fullting þitt að eg næði því ráði.“


Arinbjörn segir að honum þykir það vel fundið „skal eg víst leggja þar orð til að þau ráð takist.“
Arinbjörn segir að honum þykir það vel fundið<ref>'''honum þykir það vel fundið''': "Auðkennda setningin á sér hliðstæður í tveim fornritum. Í Örvar-Odds sögu missir kempan hvern fóstbróður sinn á fætur öðrum, og kemur því ekki á óvart játning hans þegar líða tekur á ævi: „Mér þykir víðast dauflegt eftir mannamissi þann er eg hefi fengið.“ „Vorkunn er það,“ segir Hárekur. „Þó verður maður eftir mann að lifa. [...] Hitt ritið er Karlamagnús saga. Þegar Gvitalín hefur yppt þeirri harmfregn fyrir keisara og köppum hans að allir hinir bestu riddarar úr liði þeirra séu fallnir, þá tekst Nemes á hendur að hugga Karlamagnús: „Ver eigi óglaður,“ segir hann, „því ekki tjár að syrgja eftir dauðan. Maður skal eftir mann lifa og rækja sjálfan sig mest“.“ [[Torfi H. Tulinius. Guðs lög í ævi og verkum Snorra Sturlusonar]] (s. 35).</ref> „skal eg víst leggja þar orð til að þau ráð takist.“


Síðan bar Egill það mál fyrir Ásgerði en hún skaut til ráða föður síns og Arinbjarnar frænda síns. Síðan ræðir Arinbjörn við Ásgerði og hafði hún hin sömu svör fyrir sér. Arinbjörn fýsti þessa ráðs. Síðan fara þeir Arinbjörn og Egill á fund Bjarnar og hefur Egill þá bónorð og bað Ásgerðar dóttur Bjarnar. Björn tók því máli vel og sagði að Arinbjörn mundi því mjög ráða. Arinbjörn fýsti mjög og lauk því máli svo að Egill festi Ásgerði og skyldi brullaup vera að Arinbjarnar. En er að þeirri stefnu kemur þá var þar veisla allvegleg er Egill kvongaðist. Var hann þá allkátur það er eftir var vetrarins.
Síðan bar Egill það mál fyrir Ásgerði en hún skaut til ráða föður síns og Arinbjarnar frænda síns. Síðan ræðir Arinbjörn við Ásgerði og hafði hún hin sömu svör fyrir sér. Arinbjörn fýsti þessa ráðs. Síðan fara þeir Arinbjörn og Egill á fund Bjarnar og hefur Egill þá bónorð og bað Ásgerðar dóttur Bjarnar. Björn tók því máli vel og sagði að Arinbjörn mundi því mjög ráða. Arinbjörn fýsti mjög og lauk því máli svo að Egill festi Ásgerði og skyldi brullaup vera að Arinbjarnar. En er að þeirri stefnu kemur þá var þar veisla allvegleg er Egill kvongaðist. Var hann þá allkátur það er eftir var vetrarins.
<ref>REFERENCE TEXT(Fræðigrein:[[PAGE NAME|DISPLAY AS]] OTHER INFO)</ref>


==Tilvísanir==
==Tilvísanir==

Latest revision as of 14:31, 3 August 2016


Chapter 56

Marriage of Egil

Bergonund son of Thorgeir Thornfoot had then married Gunnhilda daughter of Bjorn Yeoman. She had come to keep house with him at Askr. But Asgerdr, whom Thorolf Skallagrimsson had had to wife, was then with Arinbjorn, her kinsman. Thorolf and she had a daughter named Thordis, and the girl was there with her mother. Egil told Asgerdr of Thorolf's death, and offered her his guardianship. Asgerdr was much grieved at the tidings; she answered Egil's words well, saying however but little one way or the other.

But, at autumn wore on, Egil began to be very gloomy and drank little, and often say with his head drooping in his cloak.[1] One time Arinbjorn went to him and asked what meant his gloom.

'Though now you have had a great loss in your brother, yet 'tis manly to bear up well; man must overlive man.[2] Come, what verse are you now repeating?[3] Let me hear.'

Egil said he had just made this verse:

'Unfriendly, who was friend,
Fair goddess seems. Of old
Bold with uplifted brow
Beheld I woman's face[4].
Now one (whose name I veil)
No sooner to the skald
Occurs, than shyly sinks
Screen'd in his cloak his head.'[5]

Arinbjorn asked who was the woman about whom he composed such love-song.[6] 'Have you hidden her name in this stave?'[7][8]


Then Egil recited:

'Sorrow shows not, but hides[9]
The saddening thought within.[10]
Names in my poesy
Not oft I use to veil.
For Odin's warrior wights
Will surely searching find
In war-god's wine of song
What poet deep hath plunged.'

'Here,' said Egil, 'will the old saw be found true. All should be told to a friend. I will tell you that which you ask, about what woman I compose verse.[11] Tis Asgerdr your kinswoman; and I would fain have your furtherance to secure this match.'

Arinbjorn said that he deemed it well thought of.[12] 'I will,' said he, 'surely give my good word that this match may be made.'

Then Egil laid this matter before Asgerdr, but she referred it to the decision of her father and her kinsman Arinbjorn. Arinbjorn talked with Asgerdr, and she made the same answer. Arinbjorn was desirous of this match. After this Arinbjorn and Egil went together to Bjorn, and then Egil made his suit and asked to wife Asgerdr Bjorn's daughter. Bjorn took this matter well, and said that Arinbjorn should chiefly decide this. Arinbjorn greatly desired it; and the end of the matter was that Egil and Asgerdr were betrothed, and the wedding was to be at Arinbjorn's.

And when the appointed time came, there was a very grand feast at Egil's marriage. He was then very cheerful for the remaining part of the winter.

References

  1. ↑ with his head drooping in his cloak.: " [Hegðun Egils] er því ráðgáta bæði fyrir lesendur og aðrar persónur sögunnar [...] Hér virðist því mikilvægur eiginleiki sögunnar vera kominn í ljós sem bætist við hina formföstu ytri byggingu og sterkt innra samhengi. Hann felst í tilhneigingu höfundar til að gera sögu Egils að ráðgátu. Það er t.a.m. ekki fyrr en í 56. kafla að skýring fæst á hegðun hans fram að því, og raunar þarf lesandinn að rekja sig til baka til að átta sig á því hvers vegna Egill biður Ásgerðar eftir fall Þórólfs. Þetta er ekki ósvipað gátu þar sem lausnin er fólgin í framsetningunni. Því vaknar sú spurning hvort það sem sagt er frá eftir að Egill snýr heim úr sinni fyrstu utanferð sé ekki hluti af þeirri ráðgátu." Torfi H. Tulinius. Beinagrindin (s. 52).
  2. ↑ man must overlive man: "Auðkennda setningin á sér hliðstæður í tveim fornritum. Í Örvar-Odds sögu missir kempan hvern fóstbróður sinn á fætur öðrum, og kemur því ekki á óvart játning hans þegar líða tekur á ævi: „Mér þykir víðast dauflegt eftir mannamissi þann er eg hefi fengið.“ „Vorkunn er það,“ segir Hárekur. „Þó verður maður eftir mann að lifa. [...] Hitt ritið er Karlamagnús saga. Þegar Gvitalín hefur yppt þeirri harmfregn fyrir keisara og köppum hans að allir hinir bestu riddarar úr liði þeirra séu fallnir, þá tekst Nemes á hendur að hugga Karlamagnús: „Ver eigi óglaður,“ segir hann, „því ekki tjár að syrgja eftir dauðan. Maður skal eftir mann lifa og rækja sjálfan sig mest“.“ Hermann Pálsson. Ættarmót með Eglu og öðrum skrám (p. 3).
  3. ↑ what verse are you now repeating: "Most of non-strictly commemorative poetry stems from anger, sadness or regret. It is enough that Egil turns silent, absents and isolates himself by hiding underneath the cloak for his friend Arinbjörn to preoccupy and ask him: "what verse are you now repeating?"" Koch, Ludovica. Il corvo della memoria e il corvo del pensiero (p. 43).
  4. ↑ woman's face: "Rangt var það og, er sami fróðleiksmaðr í þessari vísu vildi gera „þó" að sagnarorði (= þvoði) í stað ins einfalda vanalega samtengingarorðs og komst svo að þeirri niðrstöðu, að Egill hefði svo talað hér um bil: „Nú venst ég ókynni, enn áðr var annað, konan þvoði mér um höfuðið", o. s. frv." Gísli Brynjúlfsson. Tvær vísur eftir höfuðskáld (p. 9).
  5. ↑ head: "With a bit of generalization, we would have a 'Minnedichter' [i.e. medieval German love-poet] complaint: a strophe about devouring love anguish and the necessity to remain silent and to avoid direct contact with the loved [lit. chosen] one." Gutenbrunner, Siegfried. Skaldischer Vorfrühling des Minnessangs (p. 388)
  6. ↑ love-song: "... there are nevertheless two strophes that Egil utters in relation to his love issue - the 23th and 24th strophes of the saga, the first of which Arinbjörn names "love song" (mansöngur), but their description of love-passion is very moderate." Bjarni Einarsson. Über Art und Herkunft einer Gruppe von Skaldensagas (p. 354)
  7. ↑ Have you hidden her name in this stave?: "When Egill secretes his lady's name in a stanza, it is not a senhal, and when Þormóðr rededicates a love poem, it is not a chanson de change. Indeed, one could argue that the similarities between Norse and Provençal love poetry are no greater than the similarities between the Norse níðvísa and the Provençal sirventès or the Norse erfidrápa and the Provençal planh. The chief difficulty involved in Bjarni Einarsson's equation is therefore the absence of really significant correspondences between the conventions of love poetry in medieval Iceland and Provence." Andersson, Theodore M.. Skalds and Troubadours. (p. 17).
  8. ↑ Have you hidden her name in this stave?: "I have, of course, never contended that there were "really significant correspondences between the conventions of love poetry in medieval Iceland and Provence", and I entirely agree with Andersson that "the differences are much more apparent". But when that has been stated, I still maintain that there are really significant signs of some influence, and I am not the first who has been struck by the resemblance between the Old Icelandic love poetry and certain characteristic traits of the love poetry fashionable on the continent in the twelfth century and later... It is only in the Sagas of the Skalds that the love-stanzas appear to be inconsistent with the above-named Provençal conventions, and no wonder! How should they be - or purport to be - other than "extemporaneous" and "specific" and pertaining "to a particular moment" ([Andersson 1969] p. 22), when they are part of a context in a saga?" Bjarni Einarsson. The Lovesick Skald (p. 36-7)
  9. ↑ but hides: “Love and sexual passion are only weakly represented in [Egill’s] repertoire, however, and in that respect one may say that one of the main defining characteristics of the skald saga is vestigial here.”. Clunies Ross, Margaret. The Skald Sagas as a Genre (p. 38).
  10. ↑ The saddening thought within: "Another consistent feature of Norse love poetry is the tendency to work from the immediate situation to an emotional expression. The poet will often fix the circumstances in the first helming and then express his love or dismay or longing in the second helming." Andersson, Theodore M.. Skalds and Troubadours. (p. 22).
  11. ↑ what woman I compose verse: "It is significant that Egill’s two verses about his relationship with Ásgerðr suggest more emotion than is implied by the prose narrative, in which his marriage to her seems to be partly a commercial transaction, partly a stage in the process of healing the grief at his brother’s death". Finlay, Alison. Egils saga and other poets’ sagas (s. 34).
  12. ↑ he deemed it well thought of: "Auðkennda setningin á sér hliðstæður í tveim fornritum. Í Örvar-Odds sögu missir kempan hvern fóstbróður sinn á fætur öðrum, og kemur því ekki á óvart játning hans þegar líða tekur á ævi: „Mér þykir víðast dauflegt eftir mannamissi þann er eg hefi fengið.“ „Vorkunn er það,“ segir Hárekur. „Þó verður maður eftir mann að lifa. [...] Hitt ritið er Karlamagnús saga. Þegar Gvitalín hefur yppt þeirri harmfregn fyrir keisara og köppum hans að allir hinir bestu riddarar úr liði þeirra séu fallnir, þá tekst Nemes á hendur að hugga Karlamagnús: „Ver eigi óglaður,“ segir hann, „því ekki tjár að syrgja eftir dauðan. Maður skal eftir mann lifa og rækja sjálfan sig mest“.“ Torfi H. Tulinius. Guðs lög í ævi og verkum Snorra Sturlusonar (p. 35).

Kafli 56

Kvonfang Egils

Berg-Önundur son Þorgeirs þyrnifótar hafði þá fengið Gunnhildar dóttur Bjarnar hölds. Var hún komin til bús með honum á Aski. En Ásgerður er átt hafði Þórólfur Skalla-Grímsson var þá með Arinbirni frænda sínum. Þau Þórólfur áttu dóttur eina unga er Þórdís hét og var mærin þar með móður sinni. Egill sagði Ásgerði lát Þórólfs og bauð henni sína umsjá. Ásgerður varð mjög ókát við þá sögu en svaraði vel ræðum Egils og tók lítið af öllu.

Og er á leið haustið tók Egill ógleði mikla, sat oft og drap höfðinu niður í feld sinn.[1]

Eitthvert sinn gekk Arinbjörn til hans og spurði hvað ógleði hans ylli „nú þó að þú hafir fengið skaða mikinn um bróður þinn þá er það karlmannlegt að bera það vel. Skal maður eftir mann lifa[2] eða hvað kveður þú nú?[3] Láttu mig nú heyra.“

Egill sagði að hann hefði þetta fyrir skemmstu kveðið:

Ókynni venst, ennis,
ungr þorði eg vel forðum,
hauka klifs, að hefja,
Hlín, þvergnípur[4] mínar.
Verð í feld, þá er foldar
faldr kemr í hug skaldi
berg-Óneris, brúna
brátt miðstalli hváta.[5]

Arinbjörn spurði hver kona sú væri er hann orti mansöng[6] um „hefir þú fólgið nafn hennar í vísu þessi.“[7][8]

Þá kvað Egill:

Sef, Skuldar fel eg sjaldan,[9]
sorg eyvita borgar,[10]
í niðerfi Narfa
nafn aurmýils, drafnar
því að geir-Rótu Gautar
gnýþings bragar fingrum
rógs að ræsis veigum
reifendr munu þreifa.

„Hér mun vera,“ segir Egill, „sem oft er mælt að segjanda er allt sínum vin. Eg mun segja þér það er þú spyrð, um hverja konu eg yrki.[11] Þar er Ásgerður frændkona þín og þar til vildi eg hafa fullting þitt að eg næði því ráði.“

Arinbjörn segir að honum þykir það vel fundið[12] „skal eg víst leggja þar orð til að þau ráð takist.“

Síðan bar Egill það mál fyrir Ásgerði en hún skaut til ráða föður síns og Arinbjarnar frænda síns. Síðan ræðir Arinbjörn við Ásgerði og hafði hún hin sömu svör fyrir sér. Arinbjörn fýsti þessa ráðs. Síðan fara þeir Arinbjörn og Egill á fund Bjarnar og hefur Egill þá bónorð og bað Ásgerðar dóttur Bjarnar. Björn tók því máli vel og sagði að Arinbjörn mundi því mjög ráða. Arinbjörn fýsti mjög og lauk því máli svo að Egill festi Ásgerði og skyldi brullaup vera að Arinbjarnar. En er að þeirri stefnu kemur þá var þar veisla allvegleg er Egill kvongaðist. Var hann þá allkátur það er eftir var vetrarins.

Tilvísanir

  1. ↑ drap höfðinu niður í feld sinn.: " [Hegðun Egils] er því ráðgáta bæði fyrir lesendur og aðrar persónur sögunnar [...] Hér virðist því mikilvægur eiginleiki sögunnar vera kominn í ljós sem bætist við hina formföstu ytri byggingu og sterkt innra samhengi. Hann felst í tilhneigingu höfundar til að gera sögu Egils að ráðgátu. Það er t.a.m. ekki fyrr en í 56. kafla að skýring fæst á hegðun hans fram að því, og raunar þarf lesandinn að rekja sig til baka til að átta sig á því hvers vegna Egill biður Ásgerðar eftir fall Þórólfs. Þetta er ekki ósvipað gátu þar sem lausnin er fólgin í framsetningunni. Því vaknar sú spurning hvort það sem sagt er frá eftir að Egill snýr heim úr sinni fyrstu utanferð sé ekki hluti af þeirri ráðgátu." Torfi H. Tulinius. Beinagrindin (s. 52).
  2. ↑ Skal maður eftir mann lifa: "Auðkennda setningin á sér hliðstæður í tveim fornritum. Í Örvar-Odds sögu missir kempan hvern fóstbróður sinn á fætur öðrum, og kemur því ekki á óvart játning hans þegar líða tekur á ævi: „Mér þykir víðast dauflegt eftir mannamissi þann er eg hefi fengið.“ „Vorkunn er það,“ segir Hárekur. „Þó verður maður eftir mann að lifa. [...] Hitt ritið er Karlamagnús saga. Þegar Gvitalín hefur yppt þeirri harmfregn fyrir keisara og köppum hans að allir hinir bestu riddarar úr liði þeirra séu fallnir, þá tekst Nemes á hendur að hugga Karlamagnús: „Ver eigi óglaður,“ segir hann, „því ekki tjár að syrgja eftir dauðan. Maður skal eftir mann lifa og rækja sjálfan sig mest“.“ Hermann Pálsson. Ættarmót með Eglu og öðrum skrám (s. 3).
  3. ↑ hvað kveður þú nú?: "Most of non-strictly commemorative poetry stems from anger, sadness or regret. It is enough that Egil turns silent, absents and isolates himself by hiding underneath the cloak for his friend Arinbjörn to preoccupy and ask him: "what verse are you now repeating?"" Koch, Ludovica. Il corvo della memoria e il corvo del pensiero (s. 43).
  4. ↑ hlín, þvergnípur: "Rangt var það og, er sami fróðleiksmaðr í þessari vísu vildi gera „þó" að sagnarorði (= þvoði) í stað ins einfalda vanalega samtengingarorðs og komst svo að þeirri niðrstöðu, að Egill hefði svo talað hér um bil: „Nú venst ég ókynni, enn áðr var annað, konan þvoði mér um höfuðið", o. s. frv." Gísli Brynjúlfsson. Tvær vísur eftir höfuðskáld (s. 9).
  5. ↑ hváta: "With a bit of generalization, we would have a 'Minnedichter' [i.e. medieval German love-poet] complaint: a strophe about devouring love anguish and the necessity to remain silent and to avoid direct contact with the loved [lit. chosen] one." Gutenbrunner, Siegfried. Skaldischer Vorfrühling des Minnessangs (s. 388)
  6. ↑ mansöng: "... there are nevertheless two strophes that Egil utters in relation to his love issue - the 23th and 24th strophes of the saga, the first of which Arinbjörn names "love song" (mansöngur), but their description of love-passion is very moderate." Bjarni Einarsson. Über Art und Herkunft einer Gruppe von Skaldensagas (s. 354)
  7. ↑ hefir þú fólgið nafn hennar í vísu þessi: "When Egill secretes his lady's name in a stanza, it is not a senhal, and when Þormóðr rededicates a love poem, it is not a chanson de change. Indeed, one could argue that the similarities between Norse and Provençal love poetry are no greater than the similarities between the Norse níðvísa and the Provençal sirventès or the Norse erfidrápa and the Provençal planh. The chief difficulty involved in Bjarni Einarsson's equation is therefore the absence of really significant correspondences between the conventions of love poetry in medieval Iceland and Provence." Andersson, Theodore M.. Skalds and Troubadours. (s. 17).
  8. ↑ hefir þú fólgið nafn hennar í vísu þessi: "I have, of course, never contended that there were "really significant correspondences between the conventions of love poetry in medieval Iceland and Provence", and I entirely agree with Andersson that "the differences are much more apparent". But when that has been stated, I still maintain that there are really significant signs of some influence, and I am not the first who has been struck by the resemblance between the Old Icelandic love poetry and certain characteristic traits of the love poetry fashionable on the continent in the twelfth century and later... It is only in the Sagas of the Skalds that the love-stanzas appear to be inconsistent with the above-named Provençal conventions, and no wonder! How should they be - or purport to be - other than "extemporaneous" and "specific" and pertaining "to a particular moment" ([Andersson 1969] p. 22), when they are part of a context in a saga?" Bjarni Einarsson. The Lovesick Skald (s. 36-7)
  9. ↑ fel eg sjaldan: “Love and sexual passion are only weakly represented in [Egill’s] repertoire, however, and in that respect one may say that one of the main defining characteristics of the skald saga is vestigial here.”. Clunies Ross, Margaret. The Skald Sagas as a Genre (s. 38).
  10. ↑ sorg eyvita borgar: "Another consistent feature of Norse love poetry is the tendency to work from the immediate situation to an emotional expression. The poet will often fix the circumstances in the first helming and then express his love or dismay or longing in the second helming." Andersson, Theodore M.. Skalds and Troubadours. (s. 22).
  11. ↑ hverja konu eg yrki: "It is significant that Egill’s two verses about his relationship with Ásgerðr suggest more emotion than is implied by the prose narrative, in which his marriage to her seems to be partly a commercial transaction, partly a stage in the process of healing the grief at his brother’s death". Finlay, Alison. Egils saga and other poets’ sagas (s. 34).
  12. ↑ honum þykir það vel fundið: "Auðkennda setningin á sér hliðstæður í tveim fornritum. Í Örvar-Odds sögu missir kempan hvern fóstbróður sinn á fætur öðrum, og kemur því ekki á óvart játning hans þegar líða tekur á ævi: „Mér þykir víðast dauflegt eftir mannamissi þann er eg hefi fengið.“ „Vorkunn er það,“ segir Hárekur. „Þó verður maður eftir mann að lifa. [...] Hitt ritið er Karlamagnús saga. Þegar Gvitalín hefur yppt þeirri harmfregn fyrir keisara og köppum hans að allir hinir bestu riddarar úr liði þeirra séu fallnir, þá tekst Nemes á hendur að hugga Karlamagnús: „Ver eigi óglaður,“ segir hann, „því ekki tjár að syrgja eftir dauðan. Maður skal eftir mann lifa og rækja sjálfan sig mest“.“ Torfi H. Tulinius. Guðs lög í ævi og verkum Snorra Sturlusonar (s. 35).

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